Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
closure gesture. As the escape channel is being closed, air velocity increases and friction is unavoidably created at the place of the closure. However, the duration of this friction is sometimes far greater that can be justified by seeing it as a mere by-product of the closure gesture. Third, a fricative with a place of articulation corresponding roughly with the place of maximal dorsal constriction in the vowel is produced. If the vowel is front and close, the friction will be palatal. If the vowel is open and central or back (e.g., [] or []) one often observes (both auditorily and in spectral analysis) uvular friction, sometimes combined with a pharyngeal stricture. If such a stricture is made, it tends to be maintained throughout much of the production of the preaspiration, and appears to be a way of enhancing the otherwise weak glottal friction. To designate any of these types as a typical or representative preaspiration production of preaspiration in Tórshavn Faroese would be misleading. The different sources of variation interact to produce various results, many of which are illustrated below. s x h e Figure 4–46. Subj. EI: .skatturinn e[r…] ‘The treasure is…’ – 162 – m ç Figure 4–47. Subj. BJ: […er] mitt [úti…] ‘…is in the middle…’ A common pronunciation for a sequence of an open vowel and a dental fortis stop involves a vocalic interval, an interval of breathiness or aspiration, an interval of friction originating at the stop’s place of articulation, and finally a stop closure. Such a sequence is depicted in Figure 4–46. As glottal abduction is initiated during the production of the vowel ([]), the amplitude in the upper reaches of the vowel spectrum dimin-
ishes sharply. This point is referred to here as modal voice offset (see section 4.1.2). The glottal aperture increases rapidly in this case, and the amplitude weakening spreads to the lower frequencies. Full voice offset follows, but sometimes with a considerable delay. In the present example, full voice offset occurs approximately 25 ms after modal voice offset. Gradually, as the tongue blade forms the dental closure, the fricative noise increases. The resulting []-like sound is approximately 15 ms long in the example in Figure 4–46. After close vowels, especially close front vowels, the oral friction noise is much more obtrusive, and often suppresses the glottal friction noise altogether. In Figure 4–47, a sequence of a close front vowel and a dental stop is produced. Here, modal voice offset occurs more than 50 ms before voice offset and thus the lag between modal voice offset and voice offset is much greater than in the previous example. At the very onset of the preaspiration, the friction noise can be attributed to the narrow escape channel of the vocalic stricture. Then, the friction noise gradually increases in intensity and in frequency range, as the tongue blade moves towards a prepalatal laminal closure. In this case, it is difficult to attribute the stricture for the friction to either vowel constriction or stop closure separately. The articulators involved in the production of the vowel and the stop closure, the tongue dorsum and the tongue blade, cannot act independently of one another. The combination of a close front vowel and a dental stop produces a palato-alveolar constriction. The resulting friction is therefore neither clearly palatal nor dental, but can rather be characterised as coming from a stricture that extends from the palatal to the dental region. In a sequence of a back vowel and a velar stop, the tongue dorsum is responsible for both the vocalic constriction and the stop closure constriction. As a result, the place of articulation tends to be further back than for a velar stop that follows a central or a front vowel, and the vowel tends to be slightly raised. When such stops are preaspirated, as in the example in Figure 4–48, the glottal friction is often modified by a uvular or pharyngeal constriction. Since the dorsal constriction in such sequences contains both the vocalic and consonantal configurations, the – 163 –
- Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
- Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
- Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
- Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
- Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
- Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
- Page 136 and 137: preaspiration for lexically stresse
- Page 138 and 139: durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
- Page 140 and 141: mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
- Page 142 and 143: noise becomes audibly postalveolar
- Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
- Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
- Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
- Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
- Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
- Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
- Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
- Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
- Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
- Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
- Page 164 and 165: clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
- Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
- Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
- Page 170 and 171: cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
- Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
- Page 176 and 177: fricative constriction cannot be at
- Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
- Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
- Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
- Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
- Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
- Page 188 and 189: that the presence of a voiceless na
- Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
- Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
- Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
- Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
- Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
- Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
- Page 202 and 203: these speakers will henceforth be r
- Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
- Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
- Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
- Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
- Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
- Page 214 and 215: instances may have preaspiration on
- Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
- Page 218 and 219: that the ON word-initial lenes have
- Page 220 and 221: dialect in the Åland archipelago.
- Page 222 and 223: clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
closure gesture. As <strong>the</strong> escape channel is be<strong>in</strong>g closed, air velocity <strong>in</strong>creases<br />
<strong>and</strong> friction is unavoidably created at <strong>the</strong> place of <strong>the</strong> closure.<br />
However, <strong>the</strong> duration of this friction is sometimes far greater that can be<br />
justified by see<strong>in</strong>g it as a mere by-product of <strong>the</strong> closure gesture.<br />
Third, a fricative with a place of articulation correspond<strong>in</strong>g roughly<br />
with <strong>the</strong> place of maximal dorsal constriction <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> vowel is produced. If<br />
<strong>the</strong> vowel is front <strong>and</strong> close, <strong>the</strong> friction will be palatal. If <strong>the</strong> vowel is<br />
open <strong>and</strong> central or back (e.g., [] or []) one often observes (both auditorily<br />
<strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> spectral analysis) uvular friction, sometimes comb<strong>in</strong>ed with<br />
a pharyngeal stricture. If such a stricture is made, it tends to be ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
throughout much of <strong>the</strong> production of <strong>the</strong> preaspiration, <strong>and</strong> appears<br />
to be a way of enhanc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>rwise weak glottal friction.<br />
To designate any of <strong>the</strong>se types as a typical or representative preaspiration<br />
production of preaspiration <strong>in</strong> Tórshavn Faroese would be mislead<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
The different sources of variation <strong>in</strong>teract to produce various results,<br />
many of which are illustrated below.<br />
s x h e<br />
Figure 4–46. Subj. EI: .skattur<strong>in</strong>n<br />
e[r…] ‘The treasure is…’<br />
– 162 –<br />
m ç <br />
Figure 4–47. Subj. BJ: […er] mitt<br />
[úti…] ‘…is <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> middle…’<br />
A common pronunciation for a sequence of an open vowel <strong>and</strong> a<br />
dental fortis stop <strong>in</strong>volves a vocalic <strong>in</strong>terval, an <strong>in</strong>terval of breath<strong>in</strong>ess or<br />
aspiration, an <strong>in</strong>terval of friction orig<strong>in</strong>at<strong>in</strong>g at <strong>the</strong> stop’s place of articulation,<br />
<strong>and</strong> f<strong>in</strong>ally a stop closure. Such a sequence is depicted <strong>in</strong> Figure<br />
4–46. As glottal abduction is <strong>in</strong>itiated dur<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> production of <strong>the</strong> vowel<br />
([]), <strong>the</strong> amplitude <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> upper reaches of <strong>the</strong> vowel spectrum dim<strong>in</strong>-