Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Instances in which a vowel follows a sequence of a vowel + stop make it possible to estimate the amount of postaspiration produced in the stop, as well as the amount of preaspiration. Data relating to such sequences will now be discussed. These data are a subset of the data discussed above, in which all vowel + stop sequences were considered, irrespective of what followed. Table 4–14 shows the mean durations of vowel (V), preaspiration (Pr), occlusion (O) and postaspiration (Po). Data for all stops (but not the palatal affricate) and all subjects have been pooled. Results are given for four syllable categories: VC syllables with a fortis stop (átta and hatta type words); VC syllables with a lenis stop (oddur type words); VC syllables with a fortis stop (matur type words); and VC syllables with a lenis stop (fótur type words). 1 The number of observations for each category is given in the last column. Table 4–14 The mean durations of vowel (V), preaspiration (Pr), occlusion (O), and postaspiration (Po) for intervocalic stops (not affricates) in the Faroese data. Results for the stop in the function word hatta are reported separately, since it is unclear whether it should be assigned to fortis or lenis. Data from all subjects have been pooled. VC VC V Pr O Po n fortis 50 47 70 32 75 lenis 74 1 87 22 22 hatta 53 12 40 28 53 fortis 100 16 85 30 47 lenis 103 1 83 26 55 There are relatively few observed instances of intervocalic stops in these data. Therefore, giving mean durations for individual subjects would not yield much reliable information. In part, the reason for this is that in more than 25% of cases, vowels after stops do not display clear vocalic correlates. This is especially frequent when a sonorant follows the vowel. For example, høvdinum ‘the head (dat.)’ has a “canonical” 1 This fortis vs. lenis division is made on the basis of the Area 1 stop distribution (cf. Ch. 3, section 3.3). – 160 –
epresentation is [h], but is more commonly produced as [h]. The results summarised in Table 4–14 indicate that fortis stops have longer postaspirations than do lenis stops, at least in VC syllables. For fortis stops the mean duration of postaspiration in VC syllables is 32 ms, compared to 22 ms for lenis stops. A t-test indicates that this difference is significant at p < 0.001. Also, we can infer from Table 4–14 that the overall duration of VC syllables is similar for lenis and fortis stops. Thus, seemingly, the presence of preaspiration cuts equally into the duration of the preceding vowel and the following closure. That overall preaspiration duration is very short in VC fortis syllables (matur type words) can be attributed to the fact that not all subjects preaspirate in such syllables. Since data for all subjects have been pooled, this bipolar distribution is obscured. The mean duration of the overall syllable in hatta type words is much lower than for other syllables. However, it is primarily the preaspiration, and partly the closure, that are shortened while the vowel seems to be as long as for other VC syllables. One may also note that the closure duration for both VC and VC syllables is similar. Thus it seems that the quantity distinction (VC vs. VC) in Faroese vowel + stop sequences is signalled more through differences in vowel duration than differences in stop duration. 4.3.3 Phonetic variation in Faroese preaspiration Preaspirations in Faroese vary in the type of friction with which they are produced. There seem to be mainly three factors that contribute to this variation. First, the spectral characteristics of preaspiration proper (i.e., glottal friction) are dependent on those of the preceding vowel. When following an [a], the following preaspiration will assume spectral characteristics similar to those of [a], and when following [], it will be similar to []. In this respect, then, preaspiration behaves like any other h-sound. Second, oral friction originating at the place of articulation of the stop is often produced just before the stop closure is reached. In most cases, this friction is short and can be seen as a by-product of the stop – 161 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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whether she thinks that leaving out
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(Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
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(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
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stop sequences that remain to be di
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do occur systematic linguistic diff
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Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
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There are very few examples of clus
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Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
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one hand, speakers have a tendency
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ecent studies that corroborate thes
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example, in a particular dialect, t
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does not give her segmentation crit
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Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
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approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
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1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
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1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
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Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
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and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
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ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
Page 170 and 171: cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
Page 188 and 189: that the presence of a voiceless na
Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
Page 214 and 215: instances may have preaspiration on
Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
Page 218 and 219: that the ON word-initial lenes have
Page 220 and 221: dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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