Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Figure 4–45(a) plots preaspiration (Pr) duration against the combined duration of vowel and preaspiration (VPr) for SG’s fortis stop word types. The filled circles indicate data points in VC and VCC syllables. In such syllables, the stop is always preceded by a phonologically short vowel. The word types included in this group are átta, vatnið, hatta and seks. The unfilled triangles indicate data points in matur type words. In such words, the stop occurs in a VC syllable, and is therefore preceded by a phonologically long vowel. For both types of context (VC/VCC and VC), we observe that as vowel duration increases, so does preaspiration duration. The trend lines can be used as guides to estimate the Pr/VPr ratio, i.e., how much of the vowel + preaspiration interval is comprised by preaspiration. 1 Consider, for example, the word types represented by filled circles (i.e., stops in VC syllables). At VPr durations of 200 ms, Pr is likely to be slightly over 100 ms and thus preaspiration comprises roughly 50% of the vowel + preaspiration interval. This proportion remains fairly constant as VPr duration increases. Subject BJ has a phonological distribution of preaspiration similar to that of SG, but seems to adhere to the Area 1 distribution less rigidly than he does. The distribution of the three main stop variants in BJ’s fortis stop word types is given in Table 4–13. There are 69 occurrences of átta type words, which predominantly have preaspirated stops. There are 44 preaspirated cases, 18 fricative cases, and 7 cases are unaspirated. However, no preaspiration is registered for BJ’s 31 instances of hatta type words. Instead, there are 19 instances of hatta type words in which BJ produces the stop as a fricative without a stop closure, and 12 cases in which there is a stop closure but little or no preaspiration. Again, therefore, fricatives are the dominant pattern for the production of stops in the hatta word type. As for vatnið type words, 8 cases are preaspirated, 3 are produced as fricatives and 3 are unaspirated. There are 6 occurrences of seks type words in BJ’s data, 4 instances with a ks 1 Since preaspiration duration is partly being plotted against itself, the trend lines should not be taken to show statistically valid correlations (cf. section 4.1.3 above). However, they do provide a visual indication of how preaspiration duration changes as a function of the duration of the vowel + preaspiration sequence. – 156 –
Pr duration (ms) Pr-dur (ms) Pr duration (ms) Pr duration (ms) 160 120 80 40 0 160 120 80 40 0 160 120 80 40 0 160 120 80 40 0 Subject SG 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Subject BJ 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Subject EI 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Subject MS 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Figure 4–45(a–d). Preaspiration duration plotted against the combined duration of vowel and preaspiration in lexically stressed syllables for all four Faroese subjects. The filled circles indicate data points in VC and VCC syllables (i.e., the word types átta, vatnið and hatta). The unfilled triangles represent those VC(C) syllables in the speech of SG and BJ that tend to be preaspirated. – 157 – (a) (b) (c) (d)
- Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
- Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
- Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
- Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
- Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
- Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
- Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
- Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
- Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
- Page 136 and 137: preaspiration for lexically stresse
- Page 138 and 139: durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
- Page 140 and 141: mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
- Page 142 and 143: noise becomes audibly postalveolar
- Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
- Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
- Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
- Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
- Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
- Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
- Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
- Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
- Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
- Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
- Page 164 and 165: clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
- Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
- Page 170 and 171: cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
- Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
- Page 174 and 175: closure gesture. As the escape chan
- Page 176 and 177: fricative constriction cannot be at
- Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
- Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
- Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
- Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
- Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
- Page 188 and 189: that the presence of a voiceless na
- Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
- Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
- Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
- Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
- Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
- Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
- Page 202 and 203: these speakers will henceforth be r
- Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
- Page 206 and 207: Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
- Page 208 and 209: inte ‘not’ without the final vo
- Page 210 and 211: ange for the remaining subjects is
- Page 212 and 213: For word-medial contexts data are a
- Page 214 and 215: instances may have preaspiration on
- Page 216 and 217: 4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
Pr duration (ms)<br />
Pr-dur (ms)<br />
Pr duration (ms)<br />
Pr duration (ms)<br />
160<br />
120<br />
80<br />
40<br />
0<br />
160<br />
120<br />
80<br />
40<br />
0<br />
160<br />
120<br />
80<br />
40<br />
0<br />
160<br />
120<br />
80<br />
40<br />
0<br />
Subject SG<br />
0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360<br />
VPr duration (ms)<br />
Subject BJ<br />
0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360<br />
VPr duration (ms)<br />
Subject EI<br />
0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360<br />
VPr duration (ms)<br />
Subject MS<br />
0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360<br />
VPr duration (ms)<br />
Figure 4–45(a–d). <strong>Preaspiration</strong> duration plotted aga<strong>in</strong>st <strong>the</strong> comb<strong>in</strong>ed duration<br />
of vowel <strong>and</strong> preaspiration <strong>in</strong> lexically stressed syllables for all four Faroese<br />
subjects. The filled circles <strong>in</strong>dicate data po<strong>in</strong>ts <strong>in</strong> VC <strong>and</strong> VCC syllables (i.e.,<br />
<strong>the</strong> word types átta, vatnið <strong>and</strong> hatta). The unfilled triangles represent those<br />
VC(C) syllables <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> speech of SG <strong>and</strong> BJ that tend to be preaspirated.<br />
– 157 –<br />
(a)<br />
(b)<br />
(c)<br />
(d)
Change language