Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
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(i.e., short mVOffT <strong>and</strong> long mVOT). For unaspirated <strong>and</strong> preaspirated<br />
stops, <strong>the</strong>re is often a considerable time lag between modal voice offset<br />
<strong>and</strong> stop closure, but not between stop release <strong>and</strong> modal voice onset<br />
(i.e., long mVOffT <strong>and</strong> short mVOT). Such a difference <strong>in</strong> tim<strong>in</strong>g relations<br />
cannot be attributed to articulatory reduction, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re is no reason<br />
to assume that preaspirated stops are derived from postaspirated stops by<br />
some type of articulatory or aerodynamic mechanism. At <strong>the</strong> same time,<br />
this does not mean that articulatory <strong>and</strong>/or aerodynamic factors are irrelevant<br />
<strong>in</strong> an explanation of why some CSw speakers exploit preaspiration<br />
(see Ch. 5).<br />
O<strong>the</strong>r aspects of variation <strong>in</strong> fortis stops can be attributed to hypospeech.<br />
For example, <strong>in</strong>stances <strong>in</strong> which <strong>the</strong> fortes are fricated <strong>and</strong> do not<br />
have a full stop closure can be seen as articulatory reduction. Also, <strong>the</strong><br />
with<strong>in</strong>-speaker variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> amount of postaspiration or preaspiration<br />
produced may be a function of <strong>the</strong> hyper-hypo cont<strong>in</strong>uum.<br />
Lastly, it may be suggested that postaspiration <strong>in</strong> CSw fortis stops<br />
functions as a boundary marker (i.e., a “Grenzensignal,” cf. Trubetzkoy<br />
1962:255), mark<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> onset of a word or a stressed syllable. Likewise,<br />
<strong>the</strong> absence of postaspiration, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> concomitant presence of preaspiration<br />
for some speakers, signals <strong>the</strong> absence of a word boundary (“negatives<br />
Grenzensignal,” ibid.) <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong>dicates that <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g vowel is unstressed.<br />
In CSw lenis stops, <strong>the</strong>re does not seem to be such a functional<br />
division between word-<strong>in</strong>itial <strong>and</strong> word-medial positions.<br />
4.3 Tórshavn Faroese<br />
In this section, <strong>the</strong> stop production of four Tórshavn Faroese<br />
speakers is analysed, both from a quantitative <strong>and</strong> a qualitative po<strong>in</strong>t of<br />
view. First, <strong>in</strong> order to make it easier to refer to stops <strong>in</strong> different contexts,<br />
<strong>the</strong>y will be designated to specific word types (section 4.3.2.1).<br />
Then, some problems regard<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> phonological distribution of preaspirated<br />
stop variants <strong>in</strong> Faroese are adressed. These problems become<br />
evident when <strong>the</strong> literature on Faroese preaspiration is reviewed (cf<br />
section 3.3). The approach adopted here is to analyse <strong>the</strong> stop duration<br />
data without mak<strong>in</strong>g a priori assumptions as to <strong>the</strong>ir phonological status<br />
as fortis or lenis stops (sections 4.3.2.3 <strong>and</strong> 4.3.2.4). Section 4.3.2.4 also<br />
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