Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
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nasal /d/ is dropped completely (i.e., normatively) <strong>in</strong> many Swedish<br />
dialects. Thus <strong>the</strong> phonetic variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> production of nasal + lenis<br />
stop sequences <strong>in</strong> CSw conta<strong>in</strong>s parallels to a sound change that has occurred<br />
<strong>in</strong> Swedish dialects.<br />
4.2.8 Summary <strong>and</strong> discussion<br />
In light of <strong>the</strong>se f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs for Central St<strong>and</strong>ard Swedish (CSw), one<br />
can argue that <strong>the</strong> characterisation of <strong>the</strong> fortis ~ lenis stop contrast as<br />
voiced vs. voiceless is ra<strong>the</strong>r mislead<strong>in</strong>g or, at best, <strong>in</strong>complete. To be<br />
sure, lenis stops <strong>in</strong> voiced contexts (both word-<strong>in</strong>itially <strong>and</strong> wordmedially)<br />
are predom<strong>in</strong>antly voiced. However, <strong>the</strong>y are very frequently<br />
expressed as fricatives <strong>and</strong> approximants, with strongly reduced tongue<br />
or lip movements. We have also seen that at <strong>the</strong> beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of utterances,<br />
lenis stops tend to have a voic<strong>in</strong>g lead which, however, tends to be absent<br />
<strong>in</strong> function words. These two sources of variation, lenition <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>tervocalic<br />
contexts <strong>and</strong> utterance-<strong>in</strong>itial voicelessness, could be attributed to<br />
articulatory reduction, or hypo-speech (cf., e.g., L<strong>in</strong>dblom 1990). Thus,<br />
speakers may undershoot<strong>in</strong>g articulatory targets.<br />
The variation <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> phonetic expression of fortis stops cannot be attributed<br />
to articulatory reduction to <strong>the</strong> same extent. Fortis stops have<br />
variable articulatory organisations, depend<strong>in</strong>g on context. In word-<strong>in</strong>itial<br />
position, as well as before stressed vowels <strong>in</strong> any word position, fortis<br />
stops tend to be postaspirated, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong>re is very little tendency for preaspiration.<br />
Also, postaspiration <strong>in</strong> word-<strong>in</strong>itial position occurs irrespective<br />
of whe<strong>the</strong>r or not <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g vowel has lexical stress. By contrast,<br />
word-medial fortis stops, particularly <strong>in</strong> VC syllables, tend to be preaspirated<br />
<strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> speech of two of <strong>the</strong> subjects, <strong>and</strong> mostly unaspirated <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
speech of <strong>the</strong> two rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g subjects. None of <strong>the</strong> subjects tends to postaspirate<br />
such stops to any significant degree.<br />
This variation <strong>in</strong> fortis stops cannot be attributed to hypo-articulation.<br />
From an articulatory po<strong>in</strong>t of view, <strong>the</strong> two ma<strong>in</strong> types of fortis<br />
stops <strong>in</strong>volve a difference <strong>in</strong> tim<strong>in</strong>g relations between glottal <strong>and</strong> supralaryngeal<br />
gestures. For postaspirated stops, <strong>the</strong>re is a very short time lag<br />
(or none at all) between modal voice offset <strong>and</strong> stop closure, while <strong>the</strong>re<br />
is a considerable time lag between stop release <strong>and</strong> modal voice onset<br />
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