Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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word-initial lenis stop preceded by a nasal. A weak release is produced in both cases, but it is not clear that a full velic closure is made. In the example in Figure 4–43, there is a relatively gradual transition from nasal to stop. Velic closure appears to take place approximately 20 ms prior to stop release. Figure 4–41. Subj. GT: […på st]randen dä[r…] ‘…on the shore there…’ – 144 – () l Figure 4–42. Subj. CK: […eller] under eller v[ad…] ‘…or under or…’ e l b Figure 4–43. Inf. GT: […för] regelbunden [så…] ‘…too regular so…’ The absence of a velic closure is quite clear in Figure 4–42, in which CK produces the word under ‘under, below.’ Here, there is also no clear release spike, and the velopharyngeal passage is open throughout the production of the oral closure. It should be noted, incidentally, that post-
nasal /d/ is dropped completely (i.e., normatively) in many Swedish dialects. Thus the phonetic variation in the production of nasal + lenis stop sequences in CSw contains parallels to a sound change that has occurred in Swedish dialects. 4.2.8 Summary and discussion In light of these findings for Central Standard Swedish (CSw), one can argue that the characterisation of the fortis ~ lenis stop contrast as voiced vs. voiceless is rather misleading or, at best, incomplete. To be sure, lenis stops in voiced contexts (both word-initially and wordmedially) are predominantly voiced. However, they are very frequently expressed as fricatives and approximants, with strongly reduced tongue or lip movements. We have also seen that at the beginning of utterances, lenis stops tend to have a voicing lead which, however, tends to be absent in function words. These two sources of variation, lenition in intervocalic contexts and utterance-initial voicelessness, could be attributed to articulatory reduction, or hypo-speech (cf., e.g., Lindblom 1990). Thus, speakers may undershooting articulatory targets. The variation in the phonetic expression of fortis stops cannot be attributed to articulatory reduction to the same extent. Fortis stops have variable articulatory organisations, depending on context. In word-initial position, as well as before stressed vowels in any word position, fortis stops tend to be postaspirated, and there is very little tendency for preaspiration. Also, postaspiration in word-initial position occurs irrespective of whether or not the following vowel has lexical stress. By contrast, word-medial fortis stops, particularly in VC syllables, tend to be preaspirated in the speech of two of the subjects, and mostly unaspirated in the speech of the two remaining subjects. None of the subjects tends to postaspirate such stops to any significant degree. This variation in fortis stops cannot be attributed to hypo-articulation. From an articulatory point of view, the two main types of fortis stops involve a difference in timing relations between glottal and supralaryngeal gestures. For postaspirated stops, there is a very short time lag (or none at all) between modal voice offset and stop closure, while there is a considerable time lag between stop release and modal voice onset – 145 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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whether she thinks that leaving out
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(Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
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(VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
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stop sequences that remain to be di
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do occur systematic linguistic diff
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Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
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There are very few examples of clus
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Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
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one hand, speakers have a tendency
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ecent studies that corroborate thes
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example, in a particular dialect, t
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Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
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Page 138 and 139: durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
Page 170 and 171: cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
Page 174 and 175: closure gesture. As the escape chan
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Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
Page 186 and 187: In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
Page 188 and 189: that the presence of a voiceless na
Page 190 and 191: of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193: On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
Page 194 and 195: 120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
Page 196 and 197: Icelandic listeners, even though th
Page 198 and 199: discussion of possible reasons for
Page 200 and 201: Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
Page 202 and 203: these speakers will henceforth be r
Page 204 and 205: lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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