Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ... Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...
o Figure 4–35. Subj. GT: […tv]å dungar [med…] ‘…two groves…’ 4.2.7 Word-medial lenis stops – 142 – b Figure 4–36. Subj. FS: […vi s]e då bör[jar] ‘…us see, so we begin.’ Like word-initial lenis stops, the word-medial lenis stops in the CSw data are predominantly voiced in voiced contexts, both in VC and in VC syllables. Figures 4–37 through 4–40 are examples of lenis stops in intervocalic position. In Figures 4–37 and 4–38, MP produces two instances of the word söder ‘south (of).’ The first of these contains a fairly typical short voiced lenis stop. In the second example the stop is lenited, and produced as an approximant. Such lenitions are frequent (cf. Engstrand & Lacerda 1996) and occur in the speech of all four subjects, especially in VC syllables. In VC syllables, the production of a stop usually involves a fully voiced stop closure. However, as in some of the cases involving wordinitial lenis stops discussed in the preceding section, there is a tendency for voicing to die out due to decreased transglottal air flow. Understandably, this tendency increases with increased stop duration. This is exemplified by FS’s production of two VC syllables, one in the word krabbor ‘crabs’ (Figure 4–39) and one in the word nuddar ‘(you) touch’ (Figure 4–40). In the first example, the lenis stop is fully voiced, but one can still detect a slight decrease in the strength of voicing while the stop closure is being maintained. In the second example, the stop closure is longer, and approximately 110 ms into the stop closure voicing is no longer maintained, and a voiceless interval of approximately 40 ms
follows. Possibly, place of articulation may also play a role in the difference observed between these two examples. The former stop is bilabial and thus has greater potential for active cavity expansion than the former, dental stop (Ohala 1983). s ø ˜ Figure 4–37. Subj. MP: [går ] söder o[m…] ‘Go south of…’ k b Figure 4–39. Subj. FS: […jag] krabbor u[te…] ‘…I crabs in…’ – 143 – s ø ð ˜ m Figure 4–38. Subj. MP: […] söder o[m…] ‘…south of…’ Figure 4–40. Subj. FS: […vi ] nuddar [precis…] ‘…we just touch…’ In a sequence of a nasal and a lenis stop, the velic closure is typically made shortly before the stop is released, and in many cases one cannot see that a complete velic closure is made at all. In Figure 4–41, GT produces a word-medial sequence of a nasal and a lenis stop, as well as a
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follows. Possibly, place of articulation may also play a role <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> difference<br />
observed between <strong>the</strong>se two examples. The former stop is bilabial<br />
<strong>and</strong> thus has greater potential for active cavity expansion than <strong>the</strong> former,<br />
dental stop (Ohala 1983).<br />
s ø ˜<br />
Figure 4–37. Subj. MP: [går ] söder<br />
o[m…] ‘Go south of…’<br />
k b <br />
Figure 4–39. Subj. FS: […jag]<br />
krabbor u[te…] ‘…I crabs <strong>in</strong>…’<br />
– 143 –<br />
s ø ð ˜ m<br />
Figure 4–38. Subj. MP: […] söder<br />
o[m…] ‘…south of…’<br />
<br />
Figure 4–40. Subj. FS: […vi ] nuddar<br />
[precis…] ‘…we just touch…’<br />
In a sequence of a nasal <strong>and</strong> a lenis stop, <strong>the</strong> velic closure is typically<br />
made shortly before <strong>the</strong> stop is released, <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> many cases one cannot<br />
see that a complete velic closure is made at all. In Figure 4–41, GT produces<br />
a word-medial sequence of a nasal <strong>and</strong> a lenis stop, as well as a