Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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preaspiration for lexically stressed syllables for the four subjects. 1 The filled circles represent data points in VC and VCC syllables (i.e., the word types vatten and att). The unfilled triangles represent data points in VC syllables (i.e., the word types båten and mot). From Figure 4–8(a) it is evident that GT does not tend to preaspirate to any great degree, and in fact, most of the observed instances have a preaspiration duration of 0 ms. However, one can detect a weak tendency for preaspiration duration in VC and VCC syllables (i.e., the word types vatten and att) to increase with increased VPr duration. Thus it seems that as vowel duration reaches approximately 80 ms, preaspiration is much more likely to occur than at vowel durations below 80 ms. Figure 4–8(b) plots the data for subject CK in the same fashion. CK shows a much stronger tendency to preaspirate than GT, especially in VC and VCC syllables. The preaspirations increase in duration as vowel duration increases, and at vowel durations of 100 ms and beyond, preaspirations are almost always produced. At durations above 120 ms, preaspirations typically account for 50% or more of the VPr duration in VC and VCC syllables. In VC(C) syllables, preaspirations are similar in terms of absolute duration, but occupy a much smaller portion of the total VPr duration. Also, the VPr duration for CK has a much wider range than in GT’s data. Figure 4–8(c) plots the vowel and preaspiration data for MP. Preaspirations are rarely longer than 40 ms, and most of the data points have 0 ms of preaspiration. Also, the range of VPr durations in the data for MP is more limited than in CK’s data. Thus MP and GT seem to behave in similar ways, and quite differently from CK. The data for FS in Figure 4–8(d), however, follow the pattern of CK. FS has the longest preaspiration durations of all the CSw subjects. In VC and VCC syllables, preaspirations are always produced when vowel length exceeds 80 ms. At VPr durations of 100 ms, preaspiration generally takes up approximately 50% of the total VPr duration. At VPr 1 Since preaspiration duration is partly being plotted against itself, the trend lines in these graphs should not be taken to show statistically valid correlations (cf. section 4.1.3). However, they do provide a visual indication of how preaspiration duration changes as a function of the duration of the vowel + preaspiration sequence. – 124 –
Pr duration (ms) Pr duration (ms) Pr duration (ms) Pr duration (ms) 160 120 80 40 0 160 120 80 40 0 160 120 80 40 0 160 120 80 40 0 Subject GT 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Subject CK 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Subject MP 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Subject FS 0 40 80 120 160 200 240 280 320 360 VPr duration (ms) Figure 4–8(a–d). Preaspiration duration plotted against the combined duration of vowel and preaspiration in lexically stressed word-medial syllables for all four CSw subjects. The filled circles represent data points in VC and VCC syllables (i.e., the word types vatten and att). The unfilled triangles represent data points in VC(C) syllables (i.e., the word types båten and mot). – 125 – (a) (b) (c) (d)
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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whether she thinks that leaving out
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Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
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Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
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Page 140 and 141: mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
Page 170 and 171: cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
Page 174 and 175: closure gesture. As the escape chan
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Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183: from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185: Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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