Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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To examine effects of syllable structure (VC vs. VC) on duration, the durational ratios between vowel, preaspiration and occlusion are perhaps most informative. This is especially relevant for the word types båten and vatten, which tend to occur in stressed positions. In Table 4–6 the durational data for these two word types have been normalised (i.e., VPrO duration for all subjects = 100%) and the durational data for each element (V, Pr and O) is presented as a percentage of the whole. Table 4–6. Normalised durational data for (V)owel, (Pr)easpiration and (O)cclusion for the word types båten and vatten. The percentages are rounded, and thus the combined percentage does not always equal 100%. båten VC(C) vatten VC /VCC Subject V Pr O GT 55% 4% 41% CK 55% 9% 36% MP 61% 4% 35% FS 55% 14% 31% GT 44% 9% 47% CK 45% 16% 39% MP 47% 6% 46% FS 41% 19% 39% All subjects express a difference between syllable types as a difference in the ratio of vowel and occlusion. In VC(C) syllables, vowels are 9–14 percentage points longer than vowels in VC /VCC syllables. Differences in occlusion duration are not as large. In VC / VCC syllables, occlusions are 3–11 percentage points longer than occlusions in VC(C) syllables. Preaspiration ratios are also larger in VC /VCC syllables than in VC(C) syllables, but this difference is fairly small. Incidentally, these differences between long and short vowels, and between the following long and short consonant, are appreciably smaller than usually reported in connection with more formal speaking styles (see, e.g., Elert 1964). Differences in vowel ratio between subjects are fairly small. Most notably, the vowel ratios for MP seem to be shifted upwards slightly relative to the other subjects. Occlusion ratios sometimes seem to com- – 122 –
plement preaspiration ratios, such that when preaspiration ratios are high, occlusion ratios are low and vice-versa. A feature of the results presented in Table 4–5 are the large standard deviations for the mean durations. As a specific example, we can take CK’s occlusion duration in vatten type words. Her mean occlusion duration is 90 ms with a standard deviation of 60 ms. There are numerous examples of this, which suggests that mean durations are not the most meaningful way of representing the data. There are mainly two concerns here. First, mean durations may conceal bipolar distributions in the data. For example, a mean preaspiration duration of 3 ms may suggest that the measurements were clustered around 3 ms. However, a closer look at the data might reveal that in actual fact most of the measurements were 0 ms, while a few were 10 ms or more, i.e. a bipolar distribution. A more serious concern is that mean durations effectively eliminate the structured variation that may be inherent in the data. Thus covariation in the durational characteristics of, for example, vowel and occlusion or vowel or preaspiration cannot be inferred from mean durations. The reason for the high standard deviations in these data has to do with the fact that the speech is unscripted and spontaneous, which implies that speech rate, sentence position, prominence and phonetic context cannot be controlled for. Also, in some cases, the data analysis itself contributes to increased standard deviations. This is particularly true for measurements of occlusion duration, since a distinction between VC and VCC syllables is not made. This means that “genuinely” long stops (as in vatten /vat:en/) are grouped together with stops in clusters (plats /plats/) in which the occlusions are usually shorter. A representation of the data in which each measurement is displayed is more meaningful in terms of accounting for the variability in the expression of vowel + stop syllables. In the data at hand, the main emphasis is on the durational relationship between vowel and preaspiration, which has been shown to play a central role in the perception of preaspiration in Icelandic (cf. section 3.2.2). Thus Figure 4–8 plots the duration of preaspiration against the combined duration of vowel and – 123 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
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in VC syllables in their speech, ju
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Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
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long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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grams), with the occasional aid of
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quantity system instead of the ON f
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ON flytja). There are no examples o
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Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
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Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
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Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
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Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
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Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
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Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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Page 172 and 173: 4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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Page 178 and 179: is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181: 4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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