Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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ducing breathiness into the voice quality prior to a stop is a cue that signals whether the stop is fortis or lenis. This is demonstrated in Figure 4–1. This is an example from the CSw data (see section 4.2), but such stop productions also occur in the other data as well. In this example, subject FS produces vackra ‘beautiful’ with a sequence of a half-open, half-front vowel and a velar stop. In this case, glottal abduction is initiated approximately 65 ms before full voice offset is achieved, but there are only approximately 15–20 ms of voiceless friction noise. In auditory analysis, the preaspiration percept is quite distinct, and cannot be attributed to the short period of voiceless friction noise only. This has prompted the use of modal voice offset as a determinant for the onset of preaspiration. Thus in all measurements made in the data analysed in Chapter 4, preaspiration duration is measured as the interval between modal voice offset and stop closure, i.e. mVOffT (modal voice offset time). Vowel onset Modal voice offset V Pr O Voice offset v x k s Figure 4–1. An example of the segmentation of a sequence of a vowel and a fortis stop in CSw. Vowel (V) duration is defined as the interval from vowel onset to modal voice offset. Preaspiration (Pr) duration is the duration of the interval between modal voice offset and stop closure, i.e. mVOffT. Occlusion (O) duration is the interval between stop closure and stop release. (Subj. FS: [.u]rvackra [symboler…] ‘Really beautiful symbols…’) – 108 – Stop closure Stop release
Stop release h h Figure 4–2. An example of the segmentation of postaspiration. Postaspiration duration is defined here as mVOT, i.e. the duration of the interval between stop release and modal voice onset. (Subj. FS: […vi] till täl[tet…] ‘…we (come) to the tent…’) A similar tendency for a time lag between voice onset and modal voice onset has also been noted, although this does not seem to be as common. One such example is given in Figure 4–2, in which voice onset occurs approximately 30 ms before full modal voice is initiated. For the sake of uniformity, the same criteria are applied to the measurement of postaspiration as for preaspiration. Therefore, in all measurements in the present data, postaspiration duration is defined as the interval between stop release and modal voice onset, i.e., as modal voice onset time, mVOT. For comparison, Figure 4–3 illustrates the production of unaspirated fortis stops in CSw. Subject MP (see section 4.2.1) produces two instances of a dental fortis stop and one instance of a bilabial lenis stop. Both fortis stops are produced as voiceless unaspirated, and there is no sign of a change from modal to breathy voice before either closure. After both closures, there is a release interval of approximately 25 ms, after which modal voicing commences quite abruptly. In fact, apart from the more forceful release, there does not seem to be much difference in the voicing conditions before and after the two voiceless dental stops and the voiced bilabial stop. – 109 – Voice onset Modal voice onset
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
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In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
Page 136 and 137: preaspiration for lexically stresse
Page 138 and 139: durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
Page 140 and 141: mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169: Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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