Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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and Tórshavn Faroese data were elicited using map-tasks (Anderson et al. 1991). The materials for the Swedish Northern Gräsö and Western Åland dialects were obtained from the SOFI 1 archives (see section 4.1.1.2), which contain, among other things, collections of recordings of Swedish dialects. These two sets of data are described in more detail below. In addition to the map-task and SOFI data, read speech data for six Gräsö subjects were analysed. These data come from the SWEDIA database (Bruce et al. 1999). A further description is given in section 4.5.4. Lastly, read speech data for one Western Åland subject were recorded and analysed. These data are described in section 4.6.3.1. 4.1.1.1 Map-task data — CSw and Tórshavn Faroese The map task data for CSw were recorded in a sound-treated room at the phonetics lab at Stockholm University. These data are thus free of room echo. The Faroese data were recorded on location in the Faroes, where a sound-treated room was not available. Therefore, the Faroese data contain moderate levels of room echo. This affects the analysis of voicing in stops, particularly with regard to voice offset in preaspiration. Apart from the recording location, all aspects of the recordings for the two languages were identical. Spontaneous speech interaction between the subjects was elicited using map-tasks. The same map-tasks were used for both languages. For each language, four subjects were recorded. The subjects were recorded in pairs (while engaged in a maptask) on separate channels. To reduce overlap between channels, the subjects were placed facing away from one another, at a distance of approximately 2 metres. The data were recorded on a Technics SV 260 A DAT recorder, using Sennheiser MKE2 microphones. The microphones were mounted on a headset so that they were placed approximately 2.5 cm out and to the side of the corner of the subject’s mouth. The CSw map-task data were transliterated and word-labelled by the author. The Faroese map task data were transliterated and word-labelled by a native Faroese speaker 2 . Segmentation of the relevant stop data was carried out by the 1 Språk- och folkminnesinstitutet. 2 A student of Faroese language and literature at the University of the Faroes. – 106 –
author. Further details on the map-task speech materials are found in sections 4.2.1 (CSw) and 4.3.1 (Faroese). 4.1.1.2 SOFI data — Gräsö and Western Åland The speech materials analysed for the Swedish Gräsö and Western Åland dialects were obtained from the SOFI archives (maintained by Department of dialectology at the Institute for Dialectology, Onomastics and Folklore Research in Uppsala, Sweden). These recordings consist of on-location interviews with subjects, carried out in the 1960’s and 70’s. This material, therefore, consists of unscripted (spontaneous) speech. The interviews were carried out in the subjects’ own homes, by various interviewers. The recordings differ in quality depending on the resonance characteristics of the recording location, as well as the level of background noise. Information on individual subjects and their recordings is provided in sections 4.5.1 (Gräsö) and 4.6.3.1 (Åland). The SOFI data were transliterated and word-labelled partly by the author and partly by a native Swedish speaker 1 . Segmentation of the relevant stop data was carried out by the author. 4.1.2 Segmentation and measurement criteria Lisker and Abramson (1964) introduced voice onset time, VOT, as a parameter for describing the voicing conditions in the production of a stop. VOT is a measure of when voice onset occurs relative to a stop’s release. A negative VOT implies that voicing is initiated before the stop is released, which means that the stop will be voiced or have a voicing lead. A positive VOT implies that voicing is initiated after the stop is released, which leads to the production of a postaspirated stop. As a parallel to this, voice offset time, VOffT, has been used to describe the timing relations of voice offset relative to the stop closure gesture when preaspiration is produced (cf., e.g., Engstrand 1987b, Pind 1982, 1995). The measurements of the present data have made use of VOT and VOffT with a small modification. Through auditory analysis of the preaspiration data, it has become clear that a full voice offset does not have to occur to achieve a preaspiration percept. Instead, it seems that intro- 1 A student of linguistics at Stockholm University. – 107 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
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In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
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Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 76 and 77: grams), with the occasional aid of
Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
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Page 138 and 139: durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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Page 166 and 167: All subjects considered, for lenis
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Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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