Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull 1994) and Finnish (ibid.). The potential significance of durational ratios was discussed in section 3.2.2. Voicelessness in sonorants is also a feature of the Saami languages. Older stages of Saami seem to have made a distinction in stop quantity when stops followed a sonorant (e.g., *-lt- vs. *-ltt-). In North and South Saami, this distinction is now reflected as voiced vs. partially voiceless sonorant before a voiceless stop. In some cases, an emergent (i.e., epenthetic) vowel is produced between the sonorant and the stop. In these cases, when the context “should” yield a voiceless sonorant, one gets instead a preaspiration following the emergent vocoid, e.g. tor oh ka ‘deercalf leather shirt’ (Sammalahti 1977; cited in Hansson 1997:152). In Skolt Saami, such devoicing only occurs if the sequence in question occurs in a strong grade syllable. This is true of the Kola Saami languages as well, but it should be noted that historically nasals did not occur in contexts that yielded voicelessness, and thus the Kola Saami languages do not have voiceless nasals. Engstrand (1987b) investigated preaspiration and sonorant voicelessness in the speech of 7 Lule Saami speakers. In Lule Saami, sonorant + stop sequences often lead to the production of an emergent vowel, particularly in Grade III words. As a result, older sonorant + stop sequences yield word pairs such as palakaw ‘follow the path’ vs. palahkan ‘(give as) salary,’ as well as word forms with voiceless sonorants, such as palkaw ‘(paid) salary.’ Engstrand measured several words of this type and his findings indicate that there is a great deal of individual variation in the way in which older sonorant + stop sequences are reflected. In Grade II words, most subjects tend to produce a partially voiceless lateral before both older short and long stops, although two subjects actually produce an emergent vocoid followed by a preaspiration. Some speakers still seem to uphold a distinction between the two types of stops through the duration of the preaspiration, historically long stops being reflected with longer preaspirations than historically short stops. But, as Hansson (1997:155) points out, there is little or no contrast between the two types of stop for some speakers. In Grade III words, 4 of the 7 subjects make a distinction between preaspirated and unaspirated stops, producing preaspirated variants with quite long preaspirations (usually in – 102 –
excess of 100 ms), and unaspirated variants without preaspiration. The remaining 3 subjects do not seem to differentiate between two stop types in Grade III words, although they do produce emergent vowels where appropriate. Inari Saami stands out among the Saami languages in that it does not have preaspirated stops, but instead has postaspirated stops in those environments in which Northern Saami has preaspiration or voiceless sonorants. Postaspiration in Nordic dialects will be addressed in Chapter 4, section 4.5. 3.10 Conclusion For the main part, this chapter has been a survey of the phonological distribution of preaspiration in the Northwestern Europe. It has also been the aim to extract as much information as possible regarding the phonetic expression of preaspiration in the Nordic dialects considered. In the next chapter (Chapter 4), we shall consider phonetic data from some of the areas that have been discussed here, particularly with regard to the quantitative and qualitative aspects of preaspiration production. The dialectal descriptions reviewed in Chapter 3, as well as the data analysis presented in Chapter 4, show that: (i) the ON fortis vs. lenis contrast is maintained in all the dialects considered here (and, in fact, in virtually all the mainland Scandinavian dialects); (ii) the phonological distribution of preaspiration is highly dialect-specific; and (iii) the stop contrasts are expressed in a variety of different ways in the these dialects. In Chapter 3, the focus has been primarily on comparing dialects in terms of phonological contrast. However, some insights into the phonetic expression of these contrasts have also been gained. An overview of the major contrasts and an estimate of their phonetic expressions given in Table 3– 13. As in previous tables in this chapter, the over-view indicates voicing conditions in stops (see discussion of Table 3–1) without being overly elaborate with phonetic detail. A more comprehensive summary and discussion of the contents of Chapters 3 and 4 combined is given in Ch. 4, section 4.6. Chapter 5 offers a more detailed discussion of the possible phonetic expression of these stop contrasts in ON. – 103 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
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Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 66 and 67: Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 76 and 77: grams), with the occasional aid of
Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161: make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163: [mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
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All subjects considered, for lenis
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Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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