Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saami) 2. North Saami (Northern, Pite & Lule Saami) 3. Skolt Saami 4. Kola Saami (Ter & Kildin Saami) 5. Inari Saami Apart from Inari Saami, all of the Saami languages have preaspirated stops. As in the Nordic and Celtic languages, preaspirated stops generally emerge as a reflex of older long stops. However, unlike Northern Germanic and Celtic languages, preaspiration in the Saami languages does not reflect a distinction between Proto-Saami fortis and lenis stops, since Proto-Saami had no such distinction. Instead, an older distinction between short and long stops is now often reflected as a distinction between unaspirated and preaspirated stops (Hansson 1997:149f). Another feature of most Saami languages is consonant gradation. Reconstruction suggests that consonant gradation resulted in overlong stops at one time, which have become preaspirated in most Saami languages. With regard to the phonological distribution of preaspiration in the Saami languages, it is practical to discuss separately the development of the Proto-Saami stop quantity contrast on the one hand, and the overlong stops that come about through consonant gradation on the other. In simplified terms, one can say that in all Saami languages except Kola Saami and Inari Saami the Proto-Saami stop quantity contrast is reflected as an unaspirated (short) vs. preaspirated (long) stop. 1 The phonetic realisation of the preaspiration in these stops varies. Information for Southern and Ume Saami is so scarce that no description can be offered. In Northern, Pite and Lule Saami, preaspiration duration seems to differ between dialects, and is variously described (impressionistically) as [], [h] and [h], depending on dialect and phonological context (cf. Hansson 1997:151f; citing Sammallahti 1971, 1977, Ravila 1932 and Itkonen 1971). For Skolt Saami, Korhonen (1973:18; cited in Hansson 1997:156) uses [] to denote preaspiration. Skolt Saami data provided by McRobbie-Utasi (1999) will be discussed below. 1 This sweeping generalisation ignores the fact that to a large extent the Proto-Saami short stops have been lenited and are reflected as voiced fricatives. – 100 –
The development of overlong stops in all Saami languages (except Southern Saami) is posited as a result of older long stops that occurred in the strong grade (i.e. when followed by an open syllable). These are reflected as preaspirated in those Saami languages that have consonant gradation (except for Inari Saami). In Northern Saami, these preaspirations are described as long, i.e. [h], in most dialects (cf. Hansson 1997:151f; citing Sammallahti 1971 and Itkonen 1971). In Kola Saami, in which only overlong stops (i.e., long Proto-Saami stops in the strong grade) have become preaspirated, preaspiration has been described as half long, [h] (Kildin Saami), or long, [h] (both Kildin and Ter Saami; cf. Hansson 1997:158; citing Korhonen 1981 and Baczerowski 1969). Measurements of preaspiration duration have been made for Skolt Saami (McRobbie-Utasi 1999). The test words were disyllables embedded in frame sentences. Two subjects were recorded. In terms of absolute duration, sequences of vowel and preaspirated stops in Grade II disyllables are shorter than those in Grade III disyllables. 1 Durations for both syllable types are given in Table 3–12 (ibid:106–108). Table 3–12. Findings from McRobbie-Utasi (1999) on mean durations (in ms) in Skolt Saami disyllables with preaspiration. Standard deviations are given in parentheses. Vowel Preaspiration Closure Grade II 175 (15) 63 (11) 193 (31) Grade III 148 (11) 92 (20) 270 (29) Note that although Grade III syllables are longer overall, the vowel in such syllables is still shorter than in Grade II syllables. McRobbie stresses that generally in Skolt Saami, the ratio between the vocalic and the consonantal portions of the syllable are a better measure of quantity than absolute durations. This is in keeping with findings from, e.g., Swedish (Bannert 1979), Icelandic (Pind 1986), Lule Saami (Engstrand 1 Grade II disyllables = the first syllable of disyllabic words, where the stop is a Proto- Saami short stop in the strong grade or a Proto-Saami long stop in the weak grade. Grade III disyllables = the first syllable of disyllabic words, where the stop is a Proto- Saami long stop in the strong grade, i.e. an overlong stop. – 101 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
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number of languages that possess se
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and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
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For the sake of simplicity and luci
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‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 66 and 67: Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
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Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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[mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
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All subjects considered, for lenis
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Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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