Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

More documents

Recommendations

Info

approximately 140–150 ms in VC syllables, and approximately 80–90 ms in VCV syllables. For both contexts, the Harris speaker had less than 10 ms of voicing in the initial part of the stop closure, and the North Uist speaker had 15–20 ms of voicing. For the Lewis speaker, the initial 25 ms of the stop closure were voiced in VC syllables, which means that there is voicing during less than 20% of the closure. In VCV syllables, the Lewis speaker had approximately 35 ms of voicing, and since the closure duration was much shorter in this context, this means that approximately 40% of the stop closure is voiced. According to Oftedal (1956:99), sonorants can be voiceless before Old Norse 1 and Common Gaelic p, t, k (see also Ó Baoill 1980 and Gillies 1993). However, information on their geographical distribution and phonetic realisation is scarce. Some information on the phonological distribution of voiceless sonorants in the Leurbost dialect is provided by Oftedal. It is clear from his description that all laterals (dental, alveolar and palatal) are voiceless throughout before fortis stops. As for nasals, Oftedal reports that the facts are more complex. A distinction between voiced and voiceless sonorants is not clear-cut in all cases, since even before lenis stops the nasals seem to become partially devoiced (ibid:99, 138f). However, Oftedal emphasizes that labial, dental and velar nasals can occur as completely voiceless before stops. R-sounds also occur as voiceless before stops, seemingly as [] before /p/ and /k/, and as a retroflex sibilant [] before /t/ (Oftedal 1956:137, Gillies 1993:163). 3.8.2 Irish Ní Chasaide & Ó Dochartaigh (1984) investigated the speech of a single speaker of Irish. This speaker comes from the town of Gaoth Dobhair (see map, Figure 3-7), but information about age and sex is not provided, nor is there information about the number or nature of test words. Measurements for VC and VCV syllables are reported, seemingly reflecting the reading of a list of monosyllabic and disyllabic words. As for the method of measurement, both the breathy portion and the voiceless portion are included and reported. 1 Because of the numerous Old Norse loan-words in Common Gaelic, Oftedal includes the Old Norse stops in his account of Gaelic stop development. – 98 –
According to Ní Chasaide & Ó Dochartaigh, preaspiration is not a feature traditionally associated with Irish, and it had not been previously noted or described phonetically. Impressionistically, they describe it as “barely audible” and feel that it is a “very weak glottal fricative or period of silence, somewhat similar to the Lewis varieties” (cf. the preceding section on Scots-Gaelic). The durational measurements show an average preaspiration duration of approximately 90 ms for stops in both VC and VCV syllables. Ní Chasaide & Ó Dochartaigh also investigated voicing in the lenis stop series in corresponding contexts. For VC sequences, closure duration was approximately 140 ms, and for VCV sequences approximately 105 ms. For both VC and VCV sequences, they found that the initial 40% of the stop closure has voicing, and was otherwise voiceless. This is somewhat similar to their findings on the Lewis dialect in the preceding section. Voiceless sonorants also seem to occur in Irish, according to Wagner (1964:292f). In Donegal Irish, he claims that an older -llt- vs. -lt- and - nnt- vs. -nt- distinction is expressed through complete voicelessness of the former in both pairs. He also claims that such voicelessness is found in the Connaught dialect and sporadically in the Munster dialect. Sonorant voicelessness in Irish does not seem to have been noted by other linguists. 3.9 Saami The Saami languages are spoken across the northern part of the Scandinavian peninsula (approximately from Røros and Idre in the south and northwards) up to the Kola peninsula in the northeast (Hansson, 1997). 1 With regard to preaspiration, the following language groupings are found to be convenient: 1 The form Saami is used here, but Sami, Sámi and Sápmi are also found in the literature. Forms with Lapp- have become pejorative in many languages, but the term Lappic still seems to be used for the Saami language family as a whole. – 99 –
Page 1:
Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
Page 4 and 5:
PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
Page 7 and 8:
CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
Page 9:
4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
Page 12 and 13:
the following pages. Thanks also to
Page 14 and 15:
ported, but these should only be ta
Page 16 and 17:
Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
Page 18 and 19:
lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
Page 20 and 21:
closure, decay time of the glottal
Page 23 and 24:
2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
Page 25 and 26:
and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
Page 27 and 28:
turn into ChV sequences in which V
Page 29 and 30:
2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
Page 31 and 32:
The similarity in gestural organisa
Page 33 and 34:
The fact that both preaspiration an
Page 35 and 36:
have normative preaspiration, other
Page 37 and 38:
usually expressed as unaspirated an
Page 39 and 40:
while clusters have developed into
Page 41 and 42:
ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
Page 43 and 44:
y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
Page 45 and 46:
ut this is not true of the “stand
Page 47 and 48:
2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
Page 49 and 50:
The second criticism of Bladon’s
Page 51 and 52:
in discharge rates in the auditory
Page 53:
number of languages that possess se
Page 56 and 57:
and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
Page 58 and 59:
For the sake of simplicity and luci
Page 60 and 61: ‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 66 and 67: Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 76 and 77: grams), with the occasional aid of
Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
Page 136 and 137: preaspiration for lexically stresse
Page 138 and 139: durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
Page 140 and 141: mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
Page 142 and 143: noise becomes audibly postalveolar
Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
Page 154 and 155: o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
Page 156 and 157: word-initial lenis stop preceded by
Page 158 and 159: (i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
Page 160 and 161:
make it easier to refer to stops in
Page 162 and 163:
[mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
Page 164 and 165:
clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
Page 166 and 167:
All subjects considered, for lenis
Page 168 and 169:
Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
Page 170 and 171:
cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
Page 172 and 173:
4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
Page 174 and 175:
closure gesture. As the escape chan
Page 176 and 177:
fricative constriction cannot be at
Page 178 and 179:
is glottal during the first 50 ms.
Page 180 and 181:
4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
Page 182 and 183:
from the preaspiration noise itself
Page 184 and 185:
Many instances of word-medial forti
Page 186 and 187:
In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
Page 188 and 189:
that the presence of a voiceless na
Page 190 and 191:
of this type as well. Remarkably, t
Page 192 and 193:
On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
Page 194 and 195:
120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
Page 196 and 197:
Icelandic listeners, even though th
Page 198 and 199:
discussion of possible reasons for
Page 200 and 201:
Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
Page 202 and 203:
these speakers will henceforth be r
Page 204 and 205:
lenes are often produced with a voi
Page 206 and 207:
Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
Page 208 and 209:
inte ‘not’ without the final vo
Page 210 and 211:
ange for the remaining subjects is
Page 212 and 213:
For word-medial contexts data are a
Page 214 and 215:
instances may have preaspiration on
Page 216 and 217:
4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
Page 218 and 219:
that the ON word-initial lenes have
Page 220 and 221:
dialect in the Åland archipelago.
Page 222 and 223:
clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
Page 224 and 225:
gradual process rather than a leap
Page 226 and 227:
stops that we find in, for example,
Page 228 and 229:
oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
Page 230 and 231:
Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
Page 232 and 233:
On a quite different note, Liberman
Page 234 and 235:
dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
Page 236 and 237:
(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
Page 238 and 239:
observed phonological distribution
Page 240 and 241:
sense, preaspiration is linked more
Page 242 and 243:
higher degree of spectral tilt than
Page 244 and 245:
a failure to apply a process of per
Page 246 and 247:
similar to that in CSw today. Some
Page 248 and 249:
from t1 through t8, the productions
Page 250 and 251:
ation, voiceless nasality before fo
Page 252 and 253:
parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
Page 254 and 255:
identity and paralinguistic informa
Page 256 and 257:
—. 1974. “On the influence of N
Page 258 and 259:
Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
Page 260 and 261:
Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
Page 262 and 263:
Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
Page 264 and 265:
—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
Page 266 and 267:
Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
Page 269:
Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
show all

Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles

Delete template?

Save as template?