Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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example, in a particular dialect, tack is relatively frequently preaspirated, it is likely that tak, låt and lott are as well). Second, Tronnier presents data on mean durations for the preaspirated stop tokens of each dialect. For tak, preaspiration durations in the different dialects range from 23–70 ms (mean = 44 ms); for låt from 15– 51 ms (mean = 39 ms); for tack from 18–53 ms (mean = 38 ms); and for lott from 19–54 ms (mean = 41 ms). Thus the difference in preaspiration duration between different word types is not very large. In terms of preaspiration duration, these findings are consistent with those from CSw presented in Chapter 4. However, unlike Tronnier’s study, the CSw findings do not indicate particular contextual differences in the frequency of occurrence of preaspiration, such that particular vowels or stops should induce preaspiration more or less frequently than do others. And as with the study of Wretling et al., one should note that since mean durations for each word and each dialect are presented, individual variation is obscured. However, since up to 12 speakers represent each dialect in Tronnier’s study, there is less danger that the absence or presence of preaspiration in a particular speaker skews the results for his/her dialect. Lastly, we turn to van Dommelen’s (1998, 1999, 2000) studies of preaspiration in Norwegian. Van Dommelen (1999) investigated the durational properties of VC intervals in the words lake ‘brine’ and lage ‘to make’ in the speech of 24 Norwegian subjects. The dialectal background of the subjects varied. Of the 24 subjects, 5 were from areas that van Dommelen (ibid: p. 2038) claims are “traditionally regarded to have preaspiration” (2 from Rogaland, 2 from Stavanger and 1 from Northern Gudbrandsdalen). Van Dommelen treats these speakers as a single group (Group I in Table 3–11). Of the remaining subjects, 12 had a “Trøndelag background,” and 7 “spoke dialects from regions south of Trondheim.” These 19 speakers were treated as one group (Group II in Table 3–11). The duration of the vowel, the breathy part of the aspiration, the preaspiration proper and the closure were measured. Van Dommelen’s results are given in Table 3–11. – 92 –
Table 3–11. The findings of van Dommelen (1999) for mean durations (in ms) of vowel, breathiness, preaspiration and occlusion in the Norwegian word lake. The -symbol indicates the period of breathy aspiration observed, while h indicates voiceless aspiration. Standard deviations are given in parentheses. Vowel h Closure Group I (n =25) 177 (30) 22 (10) 58 (28) 126 (19) Group II (n = 95) 163 (30) 23 (13) 25 (10) 117 (27) The speakers in Group I (from areas defined by van Dommelen as being “traditionally regarded to have preaspiration”) have, on average, more than 30 ms longer preaspirations than the Group II speakers. The duration of the breathy portion is similar for both Groups. Thus preaspiration as measured from the onset of breathiness to stop closure is 80 ms on average for Group I and 48 ms for Group II. Van Dommelen stresses that there is much individual variation in the data. Thus, the average duration of the breathy portion ranges from 10–59 ms for the 24 speakers. Similarly, the average duration of preaspiration proper ranges from 13–87 ms. The results obtained by van Dommelen are very much in tune with the results of Wretling et al. on Northern Swedish dialects. Wretling et al. also included speakers from dialects that had earlier been described as having preaspirated stops and these speakers have much longer preaspirations (on average) than do the remaining speakers. In terms of absolute preaspiration duration, however, comparisons between the results of van Dommelen and Wretling et al. are difficult to make since Wretling et al. only present proportional durations. Comparing the results of van Dommelen and Tronnier we find that the absolute duration of preaspiration is somewhat longer for Group II in van Dommelen’s study (48 ms) than for the subjects of Tronnier’s study (40 ms). Here, one should note three differences between the studies, which make direct comparisons of these figures more difficult. First, the subjects in Tronnier’s study have a more varied dialectal background than those in Group II in van Dommelen’s study. Second, in Tronnier’s study, only those instances with some degree of preaspiration are included in the calculation of preaspiration duration. And third, Tronnier – 93 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
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The second criticism of Bladon’s
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in discharge rates in the auditory
Page 53: number of languages that possess se
Page 56 and 57: and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
Page 58 and 59: For the sake of simplicity and luci
Page 60 and 61: ‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 66 and 67: Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 76 and 77: grams), with the occasional aid of
Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 100 and 101: one hand, speakers have a tendency
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
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Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
Page 150 and 151: The CSw data have shown that word-i
Page 152 and 153: golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
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o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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word-initial lenis stop preceded by
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(i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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make it easier to refer to stops in
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[mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
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All subjects considered, for lenis
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Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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