Preaspiration in the Nordic Languages: Synchronic and Diachronic ...

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one hand, speakers have a tendency to devoice the final part of a vowel before a voiceless consonant (cf. Ch. 4, section 4.2.3.2). On the other hand, speakers have a tendency to produce a friction noise at the end of long, close vowels. This can occur irrespective of whether or not a consonant follows. This latter tendency has been observed by Elert (1966; 1995), for example, who noted that the long, close vowels in Swedish (/i/, /y/, /u/ and //) tend to end in a consonantal articulation, citing examples such as bi 1 bi ‘honey bee’ and ru roa ‘entertain’ (transcription adapted from Elert’s text). 2 These phenomena, preaspiration and post-vocalic friction, do not always act independently of one another. Particularly, when a sequence of a close vowel and a voiceless consonant is produced, a preaspiration will enhance any tendency for friction by increasing the air velocity across the oral stricture. Since preaspiration and post-vocalic friction are non-normative in CSw, there are a number of ways in which a vowel–consonant juncture can be realised. For example, the word bit ‘bite, bit (noun)’ might be variously produced as [b] [b] [bh] [bç]. The first and last of these examples probably represent the types of production that are most typical in CSw. The preaspiration tendency in CSw has been investigated further by Gobl & Ní Chasaide (1988), who studied glottal abduction in sequences of vowel and fortis stop from a cross-linguistic perspective. Their study involved 11 Swedish subjects, 4 English subjects and 4 French subjects. They found that most of their 11 Swedish subjects and 2 out of 4 English subjects tended towards early glottal abduction before an unvoiced stop. The 2 remaining English subjects and all 4 French subjects seemed to synchronise glottal abduction and oral closure more tightly. Fant et al. (1991), studying voice source characteristics, also observed the tendency in CSw towards pre-occlusive aspiration, and comment that this seems to be a feature more common in women’s speech 1 The [ j ] in this case should be interpreted as a fricative rather than an approximant. 2 Similar tendencies can observed in other languages, e.g. French and Japanese. – 88 –
than in men’s. 1 My own impressionistic observations of Swedish speakers suggest that a tendency to preaspirate is quite common in Swedish, and I would agree with Fant et al. that women tend to preaspirate more than do men. In fact, this applies not only to speakers of CSw, but also to speakers of most of the main varieties of Swedish, such as Skånska, Dalmål, and Jämtska. It should be stressed, however, that even if one can find evidence of consistent early glottal abduction in some speakers, this does not mean that preaspiration is a particularly noticeable feature of their speech. The findings for the four CSw speakers investigated here (cf. Ch. 4.2) suggest that in CSw it is not only the stops /p t k/ that tend to be preceded by preaspiration, but also the fricatives /f/, // 2 and /s/. This means that preaspiration is not a particular feature of stops, but a general characteristic in production of voiceless consonants. The word-medial intervocalic lenis stops in Swedish are generally produced as fully voiced stops, although they are quite often voiced fricatives or approximants. Word-initial stops are generally voiced as well, even when they occur utterance-initially. The contrast between /l m n/ + /b d g/ and /l m n/ + /p t k/ clusters lies mainly in the voicing of the stops. Sonorants before stops are usually fully voiced, and do not appear to have any significant tendency to become voiceless before the voiceless fortis stops. In other words, the preaspiration tendency in CSw does not extend to the sonorants in any significant degree. Also, fortis stops that follow sonorants are not more prone to be produced with postaspiration than are intervocalic stops. 3.6 Non-normative preaspiration in Scandinavia As indicated in section 3.5.5, my impression is that non-normative preaspiration occurs commonly in stop production in all of Sweden, and in fact across the whole of the Scandinavian peninsula (see also Helgason 1999). Apart from the data on CSw provided in Chapter 4, there are three 1 This may be viewed in light of Stölten’s (2002) findings that Arjeplog females have longer preaspiration than the males, as well as the findings of Foulkes et al. (1999) that female and child speakers of Tyneside English tend to preaspirate, but not males. 2 Traditionally transcribed as //. – 89 –
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Preaspiration in the Nordic Languag
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PhD dissertation November 2002 Depa
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CONTENTS ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS..........
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4.4.4 Preaspiration duration — SW
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the following pages. Thanks also to
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ported, but these should only be ta
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Finally, in Chapter 5, the patterns
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lock (ibid:267; boldface mine). Wea
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closure, decay time of the glottal
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2 DEFINITION AND TYPOLOGY 2.1 Defin
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and Finnish the word [lhti] ‘bay
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turn into ChV sequences in which V
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2.2 Linking preaspiration and sonor
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The similarity in gestural organisa
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The fact that both preaspiration an
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have normative preaspiration, other
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usually expressed as unaspirated an
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while clusters have developed into
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ted as voiceless unaspirated or pos
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y a middle-aged male speaker. In bo
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ut this is not true of the “stand
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2.6 Auditory constraints and the ra
Page 49 and 50: The second criticism of Bladon’s
Page 51 and 52: in discharge rates in the auditory
Page 53: number of languages that possess se
Page 56 and 57: and Lappic (Finno-Ugric). It has be
Page 58 and 59: For the sake of simplicity and luci
Page 60 and 61: ‘apple,’ [vh] vatnið ‘the wa
Page 62 and 63: Table 3-1. Reflexes of Old Norse st
Page 64 and 65: In the Northern dialect, V is sligh
Page 66 and 67: Pind’s experiments as well as the
Page 68 and 69: In Area 2, where Tórshavn is situa
Page 70 and 71: in VC syllables in their speech, ju
Page 72 and 73: Table 3-4. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 74 and 75: long vowel followed by a preaspirat
Page 76 and 77: grams), with the occasional aid of
Page 78 and 79: quantity system instead of the ON f
Page 80 and 81: ON flytja). There are no examples o
Page 82 and 83: Table 3-7. Reflexes of ON stops in
Page 84 and 85: whether she thinks that leaving out
Page 86 and 87: (Hede, Linsäll and Sveg) as well a
Page 88 and 89: (VC vs. VC). For two pairs (/tak/ v
Page 90 and 91: stop sequences that remain to be di
Page 92 and 93: do occur systematic linguistic diff
Page 94 and 95: Gräsö Forsmark Valö S W E D E N
Page 96 and 97: There are very few examples of clus
Page 98 and 99: Kökar, in the Åboland archipelago
Page 102 and 103: ecent studies that corroborate thes
Page 104 and 105: example, in a particular dialect, t
Page 106 and 107: does not give her segmentation crit
Page 108 and 109: Scotland and Ireland 1 [hphthk] 2 [
Page 110 and 111: approximately 140-150 ms in VC syll
Page 112 and 113: 1. South Saami (Southern & Ume Saam
Page 114 and 115: 1987a), Estonian (Engstrand & Krull
Page 116 and 117: Table 3-13. Reflexes of ON postvoca
Page 118 and 119: and Tórshavn Faroese data were eli
Page 120 and 121: ducing breathiness into the voice q
Page 122 and 123: Figure 4-3. An example of a sequenc
Page 124 and 125: 4.2 Central Standard Swedish (CSw)
Page 126 and 127: very large, since postaspiration wa
Page 128 and 129: Several spectrographic examples of
Page 130 and 131: The data indicate that there is lit
Page 132 and 133: produced and in 9 cases there were
Page 134 and 135: To examine effects of syllable stru
Page 136 and 137: preaspiration for lexically stresse
Page 138 and 139: durations exceeding 120 ms, preaspi
Page 140 and 141: mately 70 ms. Just before the stop
Page 142 and 143: noise becomes audibly postalveolar
Page 144 and 145: As regards nasal + fortis stop sequ
Page 146 and 147: most of the remaining instances he
Page 148 and 149: (comparable to our taverna type) ha
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The CSw data have shown that word-i
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golf ‘golf,’ in which the utter
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o Figure 4-35. Subj. GT: […tv]
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word-initial lenis stop preceded by
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(i.e., short mVOffT and long mVOT).
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make it easier to refer to stops in
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[mh] ‘food’ is used, and for fu
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clear stop correlate, 26 (7%) had a
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All subjects considered, for lenis
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Figure 4-45(a) plots preaspiration
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cluster and 2 instances with a kt c
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4.3.2.5 Postaspiration duration Ins
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closure gesture. As the escape chan
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fricative constriction cannot be at
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is glottal during the first 50 ms.
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4.3.4 Summary and discussion As reg
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from the preaspiration noise itself
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Many instances of word-medial forti
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In the Gräsö dialect, the sonoran
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that the presence of a voiceless na
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of this type as well. Remarkably, t
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On the whole, the fortis vs. lenis
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120 100 80 60 40 20 0 120 100 80 60
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Icelandic listeners, even though th
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discussion of possible reasons for
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Table 4-16. The findings of Indrið
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these speakers will henceforth be r
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lenes are often produced with a voi
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Nasal + stop sequences in the Weste
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inte ‘not’ without the final vo
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ange for the remaining subjects is
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For word-medial contexts data are a
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instances may have preaspiration on
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4.6 Summary and conclusions The sur
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that the ON word-initial lenes have
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dialect in the Åland archipelago.
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clear that ON m, n + p, t, k sequen
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gradual process rather than a leap
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stops that we find in, for example,
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oth found in V()C syllables, but ar
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Some Icelandic linguists seem to ha
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On a quite different note, Liberman
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dialect. With this in mind, Hansson
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(1997:114f), Iceland, the Faroes, J
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observed phonological distribution
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sense, preaspiration is linked more
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higher degree of spectral tilt than
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a failure to apply a process of per
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similar to that in CSw today. Some
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from t1 through t8, the productions
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ation, voiceless nasality before fo
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parameter such as VOT or F0, may th
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identity and paralinguistic informa
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—. 1974. “On the influence of N
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Gillies, William. 1993. “Scottish
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Johanson, Lars. 1998. “The histor
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Lyttkens, Ivar Adolf & Fredrik Amad
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—. 1995b. “Speaking rate, VOT a
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Stölten, Katrin. 2002. Dialektalit
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Department of Linguistics, Stockhol
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