Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty

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Country Percentage of women in legislature Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty Democracy Table 5.4: Party-mandated parliamentary quotas for women in African countries Party mandate of quota for women Botswana 7.0 Botswana Congress Party Botswana National Front Burkina Faso 11.7 Alliance pour la Démocratie et la Fédération Congrès pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Cameroon 8.9 Cameroon People’s Free Movement Social Democratic Front Côte d’Ivoire 8.5 Front Populaire de Côte d’Ivoire Equatorial Guinea 18.0 Convergencia para la Democracia Social Ethiopia 7.7 Ethiopia People’s Revolutionary Free Front Mali 10.2 Alliance for Democracy Mozambique 30.0 Frente de Libertaçâo de Moçambique (Frelimo) Niger 11.5 National Movement for Society and Development Senegal 19.2 Senegalese Free Party Parti Socialiste South Africa 32.8 African National Congress Tunisia 22.8 Democratic Constitutional Rally Quota Share of seats held by party Year quota introduced Source: Tripp, Aili Mari, ‘Legislative Quotas for Women’, in Mohamed Salih (ed.), African Parliaments Between Government and Governance (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), p. 52. 30% 30% 25% 25% 25–30% 25% 21% 2% 13% 50% 83% 12% 30% 43% 5.8% 1999 1999 2002 1996 30% 85% 2004 30% 40% 30% 49% 1994 5 seats 42% 33% 25% 74% 8% 2001 33% 70% 1994 20% 80%
International Idea Colleen Lowe Morna’s paper addresses a largely missing aspect of women’s representation. That is the relationship between electoral systems and quotas for women. She offers an interesting combination of quotas and electoral systems with examples from Southern Africa. Morna shows that when the three dominant electoral systems in use in Southern Africa—(a) proportional representation, (b) constituency-based systems or FPTP, and (c) mixed PR and constituency-based systems—are combined with the two possible types of quota (voluntary party quotas and constitutional or legislated quotas), the PR system is more suitable for the adoption of voluntary quotas (Morna 2004: 114). The evidence is corroborated in Table 5.5. Julie Ballington takes a larger selection of cases, and uses data collected from 21 African countries showing that ‘while countries with quotas in Africa average nearly 17 per cent of women in politics (compared to nine per cent in those without them), there are notable differences between them. The highest rate of representation on the continent and in the world is to be found in Rwanda (48.8 per cent). Only two other countries, Mozambique and South Africa, have reached the 30 per cent target set by the Beijing Platform for Action’ (Ballington 2004: 124). Ballington also illustrates that out of 16 countries with the highest level of women’s representation in politics worldwide (Rwanda, Sweden, Denmark, Finland, the Netherlands, Norway, Cuba, Spain, Belgium, Costa Rica, Argentina, Austria, South Africa, Germany, Iceland and Mozambique) 14 have adopted either closed or open List PR, and only four (Rwanda, Belgium, Costa Rica and Argentina) have legislated quotas: the rest either have adopted voluntary political party quotas or have no quota (Ballington 2004: 125). Table 5.5: Quotas in Africa: Electoral systems and the representation of women Country Electoral system Quota type Percentage ow women in parliament Algeria List PR (closed lists) Voluntary party quota 6.2 Botswana FPTP Voluntary party quota 17.0 Burkina Faso List PR (closed lists) Voluntary party quota 11.7 Cameroon FPTP/list PR (closed lists) Voluntary party quota 8.9 Côte d’Ivoire FPTP Voluntary party quota 8.5 Djibouti Party Block Vote (PBV) 10% reserved seats 10.8 Equatorial Guinea Majority TRS Voluntary party quota 5.0 Party Structures and Internal Organization
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Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty

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