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Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty

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<strong>Political</strong> <strong>Parties</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>: <strong>Challenges</strong> <strong>for</strong> Susta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>Multiparty</strong> Democracy<br />

commonly held or known <strong>in</strong>terests of the political <strong>for</strong>ces of a given country. This<br />

is important because the legislature—the end result of the electoral process and the<br />

electoral system a country adopts—is the only credible national <strong>in</strong>stitution that<br />

is capable of offer<strong>in</strong>g an <strong>in</strong>clusive plat<strong>for</strong>m <strong>for</strong> legislation, legitimacy and conflict<br />

management through peaceful means. Electoral re<strong>for</strong>ms are there<strong>for</strong>e important<br />

<strong>in</strong>struments <strong>for</strong> conflict management <strong>in</strong> severely divided societies where conflicts<br />

are preferably resolved through parliamentary debate and compromise rather than<br />

by the use of the machete and the gun. It is through electoral systems <strong>in</strong> conjunction<br />

with political party systems that the whole political system could be sufficiently<br />

prepared to ensure <strong>in</strong>clusiveness and representation.<br />

4.4 <strong>Political</strong> competition<br />

While democracy is an ideal, political democracy or polyarchy is a practice. Its<br />

full range of possibilities is only seen <strong>in</strong> democratic countries with competitive<br />

political systems. <strong>Political</strong> competition is one of three dimensions without which it<br />

is impossible to describe a political system as democratic. Sorensen (1993: 12–13)<br />

summarizes Dahl’s eight characteristics or conditions encompass<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>clusiveness as<br />

an essential part of democracy both as idea and as practice, under three head<strong>in</strong>gs:<br />

(a) a highly <strong>in</strong>clusive level of political participation <strong>in</strong> the election of leaders and<br />

policies, at least through regular and fair elections, such that no major social<br />

group is excluded;<br />

(b) mean<strong>in</strong>gful and extensive competition among <strong>in</strong>dividuals and organized groups<br />

(especially political parties) <strong>for</strong> all effective positions of government power, at<br />

regular <strong>in</strong>tervals and strictly exclud<strong>in</strong>g the use of <strong>for</strong>ce or coercion; and<br />

(c) an assured level of civil and political liberties—freedom of expression, freedom<br />

of the press, freedom to <strong>for</strong>m and jo<strong>in</strong> organizations—sufficient to ensure the<br />

<strong>in</strong>tegrity of political competition and participation.<br />

Beyond these normative aspects of political parties as vehicles <strong>for</strong> participation <strong>in</strong><br />

democratic politics, they ‘are permanent organizations which contest elections,<br />

usually because they seek to occupy the decisive positions of authority with<strong>in</strong> the<br />

state’ (We<strong>in</strong>er 1967: 7). In this sense, political parties’ struggle <strong>for</strong> power is based on<br />

competition, even though, paradoxically, they ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> an <strong>in</strong>ternal sense of <strong>in</strong>terest<br />

aggregation of politically and ideologically like-m<strong>in</strong>ded <strong>in</strong>dividuals and groups.<br />

<strong>Political</strong> party competition is part of a healthy democratic system whereby<br />

competition, accord<strong>in</strong>g to political theorists, encourages the diffusion of <strong>in</strong>novations

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