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Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty

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3.1 The <strong>in</strong>ternal context<br />

3.1.1 Socio-political cleavages<br />

<strong>Political</strong> <strong>Parties</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>: <strong>Challenges</strong> <strong>for</strong> Susta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>Multiparty</strong> Democracy<br />

<strong>Africa</strong> has its fair share of develop<strong>in</strong>g countries’ <strong>in</strong>strumental use of politicized <strong>in</strong>terethnic<br />

relations, enhanced by and at times comb<strong>in</strong>ed with equally diverse l<strong>in</strong>guistic,<br />

religious and regional cleavages and rivalries. Ethnic mobilization, whether <strong>for</strong><br />

political party <strong>for</strong>mation, electoral campaigns or patronage, is commonplace and,<br />

when comb<strong>in</strong>ed with economic disparity and <strong>in</strong>equitable access to political power,<br />

could (and has actually) become a source of long-drawn-out conflicts, with farreach<strong>in</strong>g<br />

destabilization effects. Norris and Mattes (2003) conducted research to<br />

analyse the impact of ethno-l<strong>in</strong>guistic and ethno-racial characteristics on support <strong>for</strong><br />

the govern<strong>in</strong>g party <strong>in</strong> 12 <strong>Africa</strong>n states (South <strong>Africa</strong>, Namibia, Botswana, Lesotho,<br />

Ghana, Zimbabwe, Nigeria, Zambia, Tanzania, Uganda, Malawi and Mali), based<br />

on data from Afrobarometer (1999–2001). Their research results are presented <strong>in</strong><br />

Table 3.1.<br />

Although Norris and Mattes’ research results confirm the common trend <strong>for</strong> ethnicity<br />

to be a major political factor <strong>in</strong> political identification and vot<strong>in</strong>g behaviour, they<br />

brought some sanity to the debate by argu<strong>in</strong>g, and we quote at length, that<br />

The results <strong>in</strong> the analysis of systematic survey evidence serves to confirm<br />

the common assumption that ethnic-l<strong>in</strong>guistic cleavages do <strong>in</strong>deed structure<br />

party identification <strong>in</strong> many, although not all, of the <strong>Africa</strong>n societies under<br />

comparison. In the national models, ethnicity rema<strong>in</strong>ed significant <strong>in</strong> eight<br />

out of twelve countries. Yet ethnicity was not necessarily the primary cleavage<br />

as other structural factors are also important <strong>for</strong> partisanship, if less consistent<br />

across all societies under comparison, whether the rural–urban cleavage evident<br />

divid<strong>in</strong>g cities, towns and villages <strong>in</strong> Mali, Namibia and Tanzania, the role<br />

of age and generation <strong>in</strong> Botswana, Tanzania and Zambia, or the impact of<br />

education <strong>in</strong> Ghana, Nigeria and Zimbabwe. Moreover, far from support be<strong>in</strong>g<br />

an automatic expression of group loyalties, judgments cont<strong>in</strong>gent upon how<br />

well the government delivers services to its citizens were also related to their<br />

patterns of party support <strong>in</strong> most countries (Norris and Mattes 2003: 13).

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