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Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty

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<strong>Political</strong> <strong>Parties</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Africa</strong>: <strong>Challenges</strong> <strong>for</strong> Susta<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>Multiparty</strong> Democracy<br />

private rights theory. Magarian laments that ‘Methodologically, the private rights<br />

theory requires an <strong>in</strong>itial determ<strong>in</strong>ation of whether and how seriously a government<br />

regulation burdens an <strong>in</strong>dividual’s expressive freedom, entail<strong>in</strong>g a strong public–<br />

private dist<strong>in</strong>ction’ (Magarian 2003: 8).<br />

Accord<strong>in</strong>g to the responsible party government theory of the electoral process,<br />

political parties serve as mediat<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>stitutions that facilitate people’s political<br />

activity. Determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g what k<strong>in</strong>d of partisan competition a political system will<br />

allow—how many parties there will be, how large and diverse, and how autonomous<br />

they are—makes a critical difference <strong>in</strong> organiz<strong>in</strong>g a democratic society (Magarian<br />

2003: 9). In V. O. Key’s words, quoted <strong>in</strong> Magarian 2003: Ibid), ‘a political party<br />

actually consists of three different entities: (1) the “party <strong>in</strong> the electorate”, mean<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the voters who identify as party members; (2) the “party <strong>in</strong> government”, mean<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the elected officials and political appo<strong>in</strong>tees who belong to the party; and (3) the<br />

“party organization”, mean<strong>in</strong>g the party’s <strong>in</strong>stitutional leadership’ (Magarian 2003:<br />

8–10).<br />

The question of party regulation then raises the question what element or elements<br />

of the political party constituency is/are to be regulated. An allied question is<br />

what the consequences of regulat<strong>in</strong>g one element of these three will have on the<br />

others. While <strong>in</strong>dividual liberty is regulated <strong>in</strong>sofar as it should not deny others<br />

their liberty, to what extent is it desirable to regulate the freedom of <strong>in</strong>dividuals to<br />

organize themselves <strong>in</strong> a particular way, <strong>for</strong> example, to spend their own money on<br />

the party with which they identify? The argument <strong>for</strong> regulation, on the other hand,<br />

is based on the contention that a measure of regulation is important <strong>in</strong> order to create<br />

political stability and allow political parties to cooperate with<strong>in</strong> the framework of a<br />

general code of conduct, as well as to enable them to manage societal and political<br />

conflicts with<strong>in</strong> themselves and to restra<strong>in</strong> them from foment<strong>in</strong>g social and political<br />

conflicts with<strong>in</strong> the wider society.<br />

Let us there<strong>for</strong>e start by disentangl<strong>in</strong>g the concept of party regulations and political<br />

party law. This report follows closely Richard Katz’s def<strong>in</strong>ition of party law (Katz<br />

2004: 2) as state law that:<br />

• determ<strong>in</strong>es what constitutes a political party (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g who qualifies <strong>for</strong> access<br />

to the ballot), who benefits from public resources (subsidies and free time on<br />

the broadcast media), who participates <strong>in</strong> government and how, and so on;<br />

• regulates the types of activities that parties may engage <strong>in</strong>, cover<strong>in</strong>g the rais<strong>in</strong>g<br />

and spend<strong>in</strong>g of funds, campaign activities, party manifestos, and more; and

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