Creationism - National Center for Science Education

Creationism - National Center for Science Education Creationism - National Center for Science Education

25.07.2013 Views

Existence of Man During the Paleozoic or Most Ancient Period of the Earth (actually written by William Elfe Tayler) which refutes the standard geological chronology: These discoveries are so clear and incontrovertible that impartial inquirers after the truth are amazed at the obstinacy with which geologists persist in shutting their eyes to the real facts in the case. The world offers no parallel to such conduct, unless, perhaps, that of the Church of Rome in reference to the discoveries of Galileo. [1857:142] Scientific Creationism, by Henry Morris and the ICR staff, says: It is precisely because Biblical revelation is absolutely authoritative and perspicuous that the scientific facts, rightly interpreted, will give the same testimony as that of Scripture. There is not the slightest possibility that the facts of science can contradict the Bible. [1974:15] Evolutionists often fail to comprehend how opposed to common sense evolution seems to many people, and how obvious it seems that adaptation is the result of conscious Design. George Vandeman, a Seventh-day Adventist with a weekly telecast from Thousand Oaks, California, says: Wouldn’t it be better—and easier too—to take the clear, simple, plain, understandable statement of Genesis that “in the beginning God created the heaven and the earth”? ... Isn’t that easier than believing that life, unaided by intelligence, could arise from lifelessness? [1978:74,81] CREATIONISM AS A KEY TENET OF FUNDAMENTALIST BELIEF Although it is clear enough that the plainest, most literal reading of Genesis seems to preclude evolution—which was just the kind of interpetation that fundamentalism came to require—there were other factors in the first few decades of this century which contributed to evolution becoming such a key issue. The early fundamentalists often had a somewhat more tolerant attitude towards evolution. Most of the fundamentalist leaders accepted standard geological chronology, and more often than not were willing to accept some evolution of animals prior to man, or some mediating position. It was only later that anti-evolutionism became a key fundamentalist plank and a predominant concern of the movement, and that the issue became so sharply polarized. As the fundamentalist movement took shape around the turn of the century, it tapped into a reservoir of pre-existing opposition to evolution amongst many Southerners. This type of anti-evolutionism was largely inchoate, and seems to have made little or no attempt to appeal to science. It was often hostile to science, as well as to modernism and liberalism, and was thus unlike the Bible-science creationism advocated by heirs to the natural theology and Protestant scholastic traditions. Rather than Bible-science, the attitude it represented was: “if science contradicts the Bible, then science can go to hell.” Nevertheless it provided a ready pool of anti-evolutionist sentiment which helped fuel the anti-evolution drive when fundamentalism became a major movement, and provided another source of potential converts to “scientific” creationism (though the creationscience leaders came from elsewhere—largely from high-technology areas). As to why anti-evolutionism had become entrenched in Southern culture, one reason suggested by Marsden has to do with the sundering of denominations and churches caused by the Civil War. After the war, the churches did not reunite. One way to rationalize this continued split was to suppose that the Southern churches were

adhering to true biblical principles, but that their Northern counterparts were not. Evolutionism and other forms of liberalism were at this time spreading in the North, and so, by this reasoning, such attitudes must be un-biblical. Marsden points out that Northern criticisms of Southern slavery were interpreted in this fashion, as being opposed to true biblical principles. Northerners interpreted the Bible as being against slavery, but Southerners argued that a more literalistic interpretation seemed to condone or even command it. Marsden suggests that, having felt obliged to defend the literalist interpretation regarding slavery, there was a tendency to extend this defensive reliance on the more literalist interpretation into other issues as well (1983:573). Many modern Christian Reconstructionists employ much the same reasoning (see later). Reconstructionist John Whitehead, following Rushdoony, switches the order around: he argues that the South defended slavery only because the heretical, revolutionary abolitionists sought to destroy the whole Christian, Calvinist, Southern way of life, of which slavery was but a part. In order to prevent this anti-Christian attack, Southerners were obliged to defend slavery. “The abolitionists, while utilizing the slave issue as a base, had a more fundamental motive than slavery for attacking the South” (1977:70): namely, destruction of the Calvinist, Bible-based society of the South. Whitehead, quoting a Calvinist theologian and historian, writes: The leaders of the South and the Democrats in the North opposed the abolitionist movement, not because of slavery per se “but because of the philosophy and theology which it represented and because they clearly saw that if this radicalism were to gain supremacy in the national government then there must certainly come in its wake a radical political and social program which would threaten the established order and constitutional government for the nation as a whole.” [1977:71] Rushdoony himself praises the Christian culture of the South prior to the Civil War, claiming, like other Reconstructionists, that although slavery had some evil aspects, it was no worse than the statist economic subjugation of blacks which was the consequence of Northern victory. Because of the Civil War, “The old [Christian, Calvinist] order was overthrown by ‘a great domestic tragedy that synchronized chronologically with an intellectual revolution overseas’ [i.e. Darwinism]” (Rushdoony 1978:79). At any rate, this popular nineteenth-century Southern anti-evolutionism did not pretend to be based on any scientific opposition to evolution, but rather on the fact that evolution was perceived as Northern and unbiblical. In the first two decades of the twentieth century, the theological and doctrinal strands which came to characterize fundamentalism (the pre-millennialist emphasis, Protestant scholasticism, Common Sense epistemological traditions, Princeton theology and the formal doctrine of biblical inerrancy) merged together in a militant anti-modern coalition to become the fundamentalist movement. This fusion was precipitated by a perception of social and cultural crises: a feeling that modernistic practices and ideas were assaulting the traditional, Christian basis of society, and that civilization was decaying and on the verge of collapse. Darwin’s theory of evolution, and “higher criticism” of the Bible (which originated about the same time), were obvious targets for blame. “Higher criticism” involved study of the historical, cultural, and literary context of the Bible. To these new scholars, the Bible was no longer considered simply a supernatural revelation exempt from comparative study. To conservative believers, this represented a degradation of the

adhering to true biblical principles, but that their Northern counterparts were not.<br />

Evolutionism and other <strong>for</strong>ms of liberalism were at this time spreading in the North, and<br />

so, by this reasoning, such attitudes must be un-biblical. Marsden points out that<br />

Northern criticisms of Southern slavery were interpreted in this fashion, as being opposed<br />

to true biblical principles. Northerners interpreted the Bible as being against slavery, but<br />

Southerners argued that a more literalistic interpretation seemed to condone or even<br />

command it. Marsden suggests that, having felt obliged to defend the literalist<br />

interpretation regarding slavery, there was a tendency to extend this defensive reliance on<br />

the more literalist interpretation into other issues as well (1983:573).<br />

Many modern Christian Reconstructionists employ much the same reasoning (see<br />

later). Reconstructionist John Whitehead, following Rushdoony, switches the order<br />

around: he argues that the South defended slavery only because the heretical,<br />

revolutionary abolitionists sought to destroy the whole Christian, Calvinist, Southern way<br />

of life, of which slavery was but a part. In order to prevent this anti-Christian attack,<br />

Southerners were obliged to defend slavery. “The abolitionists, while utilizing the slave<br />

issue as a base, had a more fundamental motive than slavery <strong>for</strong> attacking the South”<br />

(1977:70): namely, destruction of the Calvinist, Bible-based society of the South.<br />

Whitehead, quoting a Calvinist theologian and historian, writes:<br />

The leaders of the South and the Democrats in the North opposed the abolitionist movement, not because of<br />

slavery per se “but because of the philosophy and theology which it represented and because they clearly<br />

saw that if this radicalism were to gain supremacy in the national government then there must certainly<br />

come in its wake a radical political and social program which would threaten the established order and<br />

constitutional government <strong>for</strong> the nation as a whole.” [1977:71]<br />

Rushdoony himself praises the Christian culture of the South prior to the Civil War,<br />

claiming, like other Reconstructionists, that although slavery had some evil aspects, it<br />

was no worse than the statist economic subjugation of blacks which was the consequence<br />

of Northern victory. Because of the Civil War, “The old [Christian, Calvinist] order was<br />

overthrown by ‘a great domestic tragedy that synchronized chronologically with an<br />

intellectual revolution overseas’ [i.e. Darwinism]” (Rushdoony 1978:79).<br />

At any rate, this popular nineteenth-century Southern anti-evolutionism did not<br />

pretend to be based on any scientific opposition to evolution, but rather on the fact that<br />

evolution was perceived as Northern and unbiblical.<br />

In the first two decades of the twentieth century, the theological and doctrinal<br />

strands which came to characterize fundamentalism (the pre-millennialist emphasis,<br />

Protestant scholasticism, Common Sense epistemological traditions, Princeton theology<br />

and the <strong>for</strong>mal doctrine of biblical inerrancy) merged together in a militant anti-modern<br />

coalition to become the fundamentalist movement. This fusion was precipitated by a<br />

perception of social and cultural crises: a feeling that modernistic practices and ideas<br />

were assaulting the traditional, Christian basis of society, and that civilization was<br />

decaying and on the verge of collapse.<br />

Darwin’s theory of evolution, and “higher criticism” of the Bible (which<br />

originated about the same time), were obvious targets <strong>for</strong> blame. “Higher criticism”<br />

involved study of the historical, cultural, and literary context of the Bible. To these new<br />

scholars, the Bible was no longer considered simply a supernatural revelation exempt<br />

from comparative study. To conservative believers, this represented a degradation of the

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