Creationism - National Center for Science Education

Creationism - National Center for Science Education Creationism - National Center for Science Education

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Neal Gillespie in Charles Darwin and the Problem of Creation (1979), was a central figure in the process by which science was transformed into a wholly positivistic enterprise, and by which religion in turn came to be accepted—except, significantly, by fundamentalists—as something existing apart from science. The struggle between Darwinian theory and the creationism advocated by most scientists of the time was not so much a war between religion and science as between two different views of science: the traditional one, which retained a religious basis, and the new positivist one championed by Darwin, which removed religion from the domain of science. Gillespie, inspired by Foucault, calls these rival views of science “epistemes” (similar to Kuhn’s notion of paradigms): “communal presuppositions about knowledge and its nature and limits.” Gillespie argues that Darwin played a key role in the replacement of one scientific episteme with another. In Darwin’s time the two epistemes co-existed in uneasy tension, and many scientists sought intermediate positions, moving in the direction of the new positivist episteme, but unable to make a complete break due to the strong tradition of the theologically-based episteme. The advent of evolution in natural history was the consequence of a change in the way in which science was thought about and practiced. The old scientific episteme, creationism, which mixed the Newtonian nomothetic and the Baconian inductivist traditions from the physical sciences with biblical theology and a type of philosophical idealism, had sanctioned, in the idea of special creation, or so it appeared from the new positive perspective, a pseudo-paradigm that was not a research governing theory (since its power to explain was only verbal) but an antitheory, a void that had the function of knowledge but, as naturalists increasingly came to feel, conveyed none. This discontent with special creation was the result of a subtle and gradual shift in the epistemic foundations of natural history toward positivism. (1979:8) Many scientists in Darwin’s time were becoming skeptical or dissatisfied with aspects of the old episteme of science in which religion was an integral and necessary part of science. The special care Darwin took to refute special creation was due to his realization that it was the foundation of the old episteme. Although many scientists had already abandoned miraculous (strict) creationism, they were unable to move all the way to the positivist view, since they still retained basic elements of the old episteme. This is why, says Gillespie, Darwin used theological arguments in the Origin as well as scientific arguments, and why he attacked the idea of special creation so tenaciously. Shortly before publication of the Origin, Darwin said to Lyell: “I am deeply convinced that it is absolutely necessary to go the whole vast length, or stick to the creation of each separate species” (quoted in Gillespie 1979:155). Most scientists, even if they had taken steps towards the positivist view, were still more or less influenced by the traditional biblical conceptions and the imagery of the old religiously-based episteme. They didn’t interpret Genesis literally, but they nevertheless assumed that the Flood, in some form, was real, that man was somehow a unique and separate creation, and that the six creation days could somehow be reconciled with the scientific record (1979:47). Many of these scientists condemned biblical literalism but could not relinquish the belief that the biblical account could still be squared with science: that they both somehow spoke of the same things. Special creation was the direct involvement by God with creation of new forms: it could either be direct and miraculous (strict creationism), or—an intermediate view favored by many scientists in Darwin’s time—it could result from some unknown but

lawful process. This “lawful” or “nomothetic” creationism, like positivist science, rejected miracles as explanation, and appealed to “natural” as opposed to miraculous causes, but still retained the concept of final theological causality. Nomothetic creationists believed that God intervened directly to create new species in a mysterious but lawful manner. Sir John William Dawson rejected evolution in part because it “removes from the study of nature the ideas of final cause and purpose” (1887), though he argued that this final cause need not involve special miracles “contrary to or subversive of” ordinary natural law; i.e. nomothetic creation. Evolutionists, he said, always refer to creation as if it must be a special miracle, in the sense of a contravention of or departure from ordinary natural laws; but this is an assumption utterly without proof, since creation may be as much according to law as evolution, though in either case the precise laws involved may be very imperfectly known. (1887:339). Dawson argued for lawful successive creations. He claimed that the Bible avoids all theorizing, both mythological and scientific, and merely stated the hard facts concerning the natural world in unbiased phenomenological language, disregarding secondary causes (1882). Some nomothetic creationists became dissatisfied with the notion of direct divine intervention, and assumed that new species arose by means of completely natural processes that were, however, somehow initiated by God, and were governed by laws which were either totally unknown or unknowable. Others, such as Sedgwick and Hitchcock, remained opposed to nomothetic creationism, fearing that by making God’s involvement less direct, it opened the door to materialism and atheism. St. George Mivart, who became one of Darwin’s most persistent and troublesome critics, advocated a kind of saltationist evolution (he had been excommunicated from the Catholic church for his evolutionism), and criticized natural selection relentlessly, arguing that it could not account for evolution. Life developed through natural law, he said, not by special creation—but not by natural law alone. In On the Genesis of Species (1871), a critique of Darwin’s Origin, he advocated what he called “specific genesis”: species are not fixed, but have an innate force capable of sudden generation of new species as “harmonic selfconsistent wholes.” Nature’s harmony and order proves divine design and purpose. God, in the initial creation, established laws which pre-ordained all subsequent developments and adaptations. Darwin thought that Mivart’s profoundly non-Darwinian evolutionism, based as it was on the traditional religious foundation, was really a disguised form of creationism. Advocates of providentially designed evolution such as Mivart, Richard Owen, and the Duke of Argyll “combined the purposeful manipulation of the laws of nature envisioned by the nomothetic creationist with the progressively unfolding divine plan of idealism and the aversion to direct intervention of positivism” (Gillespie 1979:88). In the notorious Vestiges of the Natural History of Creation (1844), Robert Chambers affirmed an initial divine creation. What made him a providential evolutionist rather than a nomothetic creationist was that he denied that God had to keep intervening in the subsequent development of organisms after the initial creation. The transmutation of species, argued Chambers (anonymously), proceeded entirely by natural laws, unaided by any further direct involvement by God.

Neal Gillespie in Charles Darwin and the Problem of Creation (1979), was a central<br />

figure in the process by which science was trans<strong>for</strong>med into a wholly positivistic<br />

enterprise, and by which religion in turn came to be accepted—except, significantly, by<br />

fundamentalists—as something existing apart from science.<br />

The struggle between Darwinian theory and the creationism advocated by most<br />

scientists of the time was not so much a war between religion and science as between two<br />

different views of science: the traditional one, which retained a religious basis, and the<br />

new positivist one championed by Darwin, which removed religion from the domain of<br />

science. Gillespie, inspired by Foucault, calls these rival views of science “epistemes”<br />

(similar to Kuhn’s notion of paradigms): “communal presuppositions about knowledge<br />

and its nature and limits.”<br />

Gillespie argues that Darwin played a key role in the replacement of one scientific<br />

episteme with another. In Darwin’s time the two epistemes co-existed in uneasy tension,<br />

and many scientists sought intermediate positions, moving in the direction of the new<br />

positivist episteme, but unable to make a complete break due to the strong tradition of the<br />

theologically-based episteme.<br />

The advent of evolution in natural history was the consequence of a change in the way in which science<br />

was thought about and practiced. The old scientific episteme, creationism, which mixed the Newtonian<br />

nomothetic and the Baconian inductivist traditions from the physical sciences with biblical theology and a<br />

type of philosophical idealism, had sanctioned, in the idea of special creation, or so it appeared from the<br />

new positive perspective, a pseudo-paradigm that was not a research governing theory (since its power to<br />

explain was only verbal) but an antitheory, a void that had the function of knowledge but, as naturalists<br />

increasingly came to feel, conveyed none. This discontent with special creation was the result of a subtle<br />

and gradual shift in the epistemic foundations of natural history toward positivism. (1979:8)<br />

Many scientists in Darwin’s time were becoming skeptical or dissatisfied with<br />

aspects of the old episteme of science in which religion was an integral and necessary<br />

part of science. The special care Darwin took to refute special creation was due to his<br />

realization that it was the foundation of the old episteme. Although many scientists had<br />

already abandoned miraculous (strict) creationism, they were unable to move all the way<br />

to the positivist view, since they still retained basic elements of the old episteme. This is<br />

why, says Gillespie, Darwin used theological arguments in the Origin as well as scientific<br />

arguments, and why he attacked the idea of special creation so tenaciously. Shortly<br />

be<strong>for</strong>e publication of the Origin, Darwin said to Lyell: “I am deeply convinced that it is<br />

absolutely necessary to go the whole vast length, or stick to the creation of each separate<br />

species” (quoted in Gillespie 1979:155).<br />

Most scientists, even if they had taken steps towards the positivist view, were still<br />

more or less influenced by the traditional biblical conceptions and the imagery of the old<br />

religiously-based episteme. They didn’t interpret Genesis literally, but they nevertheless<br />

assumed that the Flood, in some <strong>for</strong>m, was real, that man was somehow a unique and<br />

separate creation, and that the six creation days could somehow be reconciled with the<br />

scientific record (1979:47). Many of these scientists condemned biblical literalism but<br />

could not relinquish the belief that the biblical account could still be squared with<br />

science: that they both somehow spoke of the same things.<br />

Special creation was the direct involvement by God with creation of new <strong>for</strong>ms: it<br />

could either be direct and miraculous (strict creationism), or—an intermediate view<br />

favored by many scientists in Darwin’s time—it could result from some unknown but

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