oneota subsistence-related behavior in the driftless area - Digitized ...

ONEOTA SUBSISTENCE-RELATED BEHAVIOR IN THE DRIFTLESS AREA:
A STUDY OF THE VALLEY VIEW SITE NEAR
LA CROSSE, WISCONSIN
by
KATHERINE PHYLLIS STEVENSON
A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
(Anthropology)
at the
UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN - MADISON
1985

«)Copyright by Katherine Phyllis Stevenson
All Rights Reserved

ABSTRACT
This study focuses on Oneota subsistence behavior, and related
aspects of social and settlement behavior, in the Driftless Area of
western Wisconsin. Oneota cultures, scattered throughout much of mid­
western and eastern North America during late prehistoric times, are
known to have had a "mixed" subsistence economy based on agriculture
and a wide range of wild foods. The purpose of this study is to
clarify the nature of this mixed economy through the detailed analysis
of subsistence remains from the Valley View Site (47Lc34), a small,
fortified Oneota village site near La Crosse.
The extensive terrace system of the Mississippi Valley near
La Crosse was the focus of a major Oneota occupation, particularly
during the' fifteenth century. The Valley View Site is located on a
terrace of the La Crosse River, near its confluence with the Missis­
sippi, and was probably occupied in the late 1400s or early 1500s.
Artifacts from the site are similar 'to those from Orr Phase sites in
northeastern Iowa, yet also show some stylistic differences.
A large sample of floral and faunal remains, features, and arti­
facts is analyzed to ascertain the underlying subsistence strategies of
the site's occupants. These strategies include two "land-efficient"
strategies, agriculture and floodplain foraging, supplemented by more
labor-efficient large-game hunting and by the use of miscellaneous
ii

esources. Elements of settlement and social strategies,. particularly
those that are related to sUbsistence, are also examined. The location
chosen for the site was close to the land-efficient activities that
would have been accessible to the largest segment of the population,
and was also well suited for defense. The use of the site was
probably short-term, and most intensive during the warm season.
The information derived from Valley View is then combined with
information from other sites to summarize the general Oneota adaptation
to the region, using concepts of adaptive strategies. This general
summary is intended to form a basis for future research in the region.
iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank the faculty members of the Department of
Anthropology, University of Wisconsin-Madison, for fostering my
interest in subsistence-related archaeological research. My advisor,
Prof. T. Douglas Price, sparked my initial interest in this topic, and
provided invaluable advice throughout the Valley View study. Prof.
James B. Stoltman also provided extremely helpful insights on Wisconsin
prehistory and the Oneota tradition. The other members of my commit­
tee, Dr. Gary Feinman (Anthropology), Dr. Donald Thompson (Anthro­
pology), and Dr. James Knox (Geography), provided numerous helpful
comments on the draft. Professor Emeritus David A. Baerreis, now
retired, encouraged me to pursue studies in subsistence and environmen­
tally related aspects of archaeology, and assisted greatly in the early
stages of this study.
The Valley View Site was excavated in 1979 by the University of
Wisconsin-La Crosse, with Dr. James P. Gallagher as Principal Investi­
gator and myself as site supervisor. Donations and grants supporting
the excavation and analysis were provided by the Dayton-Hudson Company,
the Dayton-Hudson Foundation, Center Companies, Inc., the University of
Wisconsin-La Crosse, the U. W.-La Crosse Foundation, the University of
Wisconsin-Madison, the State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Janet and
Bruce Olsen, and Paul and Phyllis Stevenson. Radiocarbon dates from the
iv

Radiocarbon Lab of the Center for Climatic Research, University of
Wisconsin-Madison, were supported by the Climate Dynamics Program,
National Science Foundation under grant #ATM82-19079. Facilities for
the analysis were provided by the U. W.-Madison Department of Anthro­
pology, the U. W.-La Crosse Department of Sociology/Anthropology, the
Mississippi Valley Archaeology Center, and the University of
Minnesota-Duluth.
The Valley View project, because of its immense size and limited
funding, could never have been completed without- the contributions of
many volunteers. Dr. James L. Theler trained me in faunal analysis,
checked the identification of every bone fragment, and provided ideas,
references, and encouragement. My other colleagues at the Mississippi
Valley Archaeology Center, Dr. -James P. Gallagher, Robert F. Boszhardt,
Robert F. Sasso, and Cynthia Stiles-Hanson, provided continuous sup­
port, ideas, and constructive criticism. Janet Speth identified the
bird bones, and assembled information on bird habitats. Randall
Withrow analyzed a large sample of the lithics as an M.A. thesis at the
University of Minnesota, and provided key references and information.
Dr. L. Anthony Zalucha, Thomas Bailey, and Karene Motivans assisted
with the identification and sorting of floral remains. Dr. Richard
Ford and Dr. Robert Bright also checked two critical seed identifica­
tions. Thomas Erdmann of the Richter Museum in Green Bay identified
eggshell specimens. William Green provided important references,
ideas, and encouragement.
v

Thanks are also due to the other supervisors, students, student
assistants, and volunteers who worked on the Valley View material. The
1979 field crew included Ann Van Atta, Keri Buetingen, Denny Egan, Rita
Landgraf, Richard Linse, Margaret Mills, Karene Motivans, Roland
Rodell, Christopher Schoen, Theresa Silha, Judy Papanek Smith,
Elizabeth Weston, Barbara Winger, Randall Withrow, and L. Anthony
Zalucha. During the more recent analysis, Marie Rieber oversaw the
immense job of cataloging, working with Lab Director Bridget Mullen and
Musa Arraleh, Laura Kooiman, Susan Lyden, Stanley Mugeki, Paula
Thorson, and Timothy Trapp.
The manuscript preparation benefited from the editorial comments
and proofreading of Janet Olsen, Robert Boszhardt, James Theler, Paul
and Phyllis Stevenson, and Richard and Jane Goggin. Heidi Fassler did
the artifact illustrations; she and George Farr also assisted with
other graphics. Additional comments, information, and assistance
during the study were provided by Constance Arzigian, Jeffery Behm,
Dr. Clark Dobbs, Edgar Oerichbauer, Peter Gendel, Michael Malpass, John
Penman, Rodney Riggs, and Lida Wagner. Invaluable encouragement was
also provided by all my friends and family, and especially by George
Farr.
vi

CHAPTER 3. THE VALLEY VIEW SITE. 67
3.1 Background 67
3.1.1 1978 Excavations
3.1.2 1979 Excavations
3.1.3 Site Setting.
3.1.4 Historic Accounts.
3.2 Excavation and Laboratory Methods. 76
3.2.1 Excavations.
3.2.2 Laboratory
3.3 Results. • 81
3.3.1
3.3.2
3.3.3
3.3.4
3.3.5
3.3.6
3.3.7
3.3.8
Lithic Artifacts
Ceramic Artifacts.
Modified Bone, Antler, and Shell Artifacts
Historic Artifacts •
Miscellaneous Artifacts.
Organic Remains.
Palisade •
Postmolds and Structures
3.3.9 Pit Features
3.3.10 Dating.
3.4 Evaluation of Data 112
CHAPTER 4. INTERPRETATIONS OF SUBSISTENCE STRATEGIES 116
4.1 Analysis of Subsistence Remains. 116
4.1.1 Floral Analysis Methods.
4.1.2 Faunal Analysis Methods.
4.2 Agricultural Resources 120
4.2.1 Direct Evidence.
4.2.2 Indirect Evidence.
4.2.3 Agricultural Strategies.
4.3 Use of Wild Plant Resources. • 130
4.3.1 Wild Plant Remains
4.3.2 Strategies of Wild Plant Use
viii
•
•
•
68
69
70
75
76
78
81
87
91
95
96
98
99
102
104
106
116
117
121
124
127
131
137

4.4 Faunal Resources 138
4.4.1 Mammals. •
4.4.2 Fish ••
4.4.3 Birds•• •
4.4.4 Turtles.
4.4.5 Naiads.
•
4.4.6 Decapods •
4.4.7 Faunal Exploitation strategies
4.5 Overview of Subsistence Strategies.
CHAPTER 5. INTERPRETATIONS OF SETTLEMENT AND SOCIAL STRATEGIES
5.1 Settlement Strategies
5.1 •1 Site Location••
•
5.1.2 Seasons and Duration of Occupation
5.1.3 Demography • • • • . . .
5.1.4 Settlement Plan. •
5.1.5 Overall Settlement System.
5.2 Social Strategies••••
. . . .
5.2.1 Internal Organization and Social Relationships
5.2.2 External Relationships •••••••••
CHAPTER 6. ONEOTA ADAPTATIONS TO THE LA CROSSE REGION.
6.1 Problems Faced by Oneota Societies .'
6.1.1 Opportunities and Constraints••• '
6.1.2 Problems of SUbsistence••••
6.1.3 Problems of Social Organization and Relationships.
6.2 Goals•••
6.3 Strategies
6.3.1 Subsistence Strategies
6.3.2 Social Strategies•••
6.3.3 Settlement Strategies.
6.4 Changes Through Time ••••
ix
.'
•
138
143
145
148
149
150
150
156
162
162
163
169
182
• 184
188
190
190
191
193
193
195
198
202
206
210
211
217
222
226

CHAPTER 7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS • • 231
7.1 Summary of Study. • . · • • • • 231
7.2 Further Interpretations. • • • • • 236
FIGURES. • • • • • • • • • 242
TABLES. • 296
REFERENCES CITED • • • 324
APPENDIX A. IDENTIFIED PLANT AND ANIMAL SPECIES. • • 351
APPENDIX B. VALLEY VIEW DATA: FEATURE DESCRIPTIONS AND
SITE TABULATIONS. • • • · • • • • • · . . • · . • • • • • · · · 395
x

1­
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
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32.
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35.
36.
37.
38.
39.
40.
41­
42.
FIGURES
Selected Concentrations of Oneota Sites
Oneota Sites in the La Crosse Region of Western Wisconsin
Oneota Sites in the La Crosse Vicinity. ••
Distribution of Economic Zones in the La Crosse Region.
1978 and 1979 Excavation Areas, Lc34. •
Lc34 Site Map - 1979 Excavations.
Site Setting.
Lc34 Oneota Lithics • • • •
Lc34 Miscellaneous Artifacts.
Lc34 Ceramics
Lc34 Ceramics
Lc34 Ceramics
Lc34 Ceramics
Lc34 Ceramics
Lc34 Ceramics
Lc34 Ceramics
Lc34 Modified Bone and Antler
Lc34 Modified Bone and Antler
Lc34 Modified Bone and Antler
Northern Palisade Cross-Section
T. H. Lewis Map of Lc34 in 1885 •
Lewis's Enclosure Superimposed on 1979 Site Map
Posthole Profiles • • • • • • • • • • •
14C Dates--La Crosse Area Oneota Sites.
Lc34 Economic Zones and Site Catchment.
Feature 35 Profiles
Feature 32, 36, and 37 Profiles
Feature 39 Profiles •
Features 40 and 42.
Features 41 and 51.
..
Features 44, 46, and 48
Features 50, 53, and 54
Features 61, 62, and 64
•
•
•
•
Features 72 and 73.
Features 66, 74, and 76
• •
Features 77 and 80.
Features 81,82, and 97
Features 84 and 99.
•
Features 100, 106, and
Features 109, 112, and
Features 114, 117, and
Feature 121
108.
113.
118.
•
xi
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
•
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242
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282
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43.
44.
45.
46.
47.
48.
49.
50.
51­
52.
53.
54.
(Figures -- continued)
Features 119, 120, and 133. •
Features 126, 128, 129, and 273
Features 141, 146, and 147.
Features 148, 149, and 153.
Features 156, 177, and 190.
Features 191, 193, and 194.
Features 195, 196, and 197. •••
Features 211 and 284, 212, and 223.
Features 249, 276, and 282•••••
Lc34 Detail Map - Northern Portion of Site.
Lc34 Detail Map - Central Portion of Site •
Lc34 Detail Map - Southern Portion of Site.
xii
• •
•
• 284
285
286
287
288
289
290
291
292
293
294
295

TABLES
1. Radiocarbon Dates for La Crosse Area Oneota Sites 296
2. Lc34 Charred Floral Remains (Site Total). • • • • 297
3. Lc34 Faunal Remains (Site Total). • • • • • . • • 300
4. Estimated Usable Meat Weight of Utilized Species. • 314
5. Dietary Contribution of Various Classes of Fauna. 318
6. The t1Schlepp" Effect--Selective Transport of Elements 319
7. Feature 84 Catfish (Ictalurus sp.) Pectoral Spines,
Comparing Size of Fish to Presence of Element in
Different Screen Sizes. • • • • • • • • • • •• ••••• 321
8. Dietary Contribution of Various Faunal Collection Strategies. 322
9. Seasonality of Features • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •• 323
xiii

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
Archaeological sites throughout eastern North America reflect
dramatic developments in sUbsistence, settlement, and sociopolitical
systems during late prehistoric times. These developments included
increases in sociocultural complexity, dependence on corn agriculture,
and the emphasis on nucleated, sedentary settlement.
Among the most interesting, although perplexing, archaeological
reflections of these developments is the Oneota tradition, believed to
be either an offshoot of, or a parallel development to, the Middle
Mississippian tradition. Sites classified as Oneota are found through­
out the Prairie Peninsula and alQng its northern edge. Artifacts from
Oneota sites show broad similarities, as well as intriguing but subtle
variations that may be due to change through time, regional adapta­
tions, cultural differences, or a combination of all three.
The societies that left the artifacts classified as Oneota were
semi-sedentary, and practiced a mixture of subsistence activities,
including agriculture and the collection of a wide range of wild foods.
They apparently communicated over long distances, but show no evidence
of a highly complex or structured sociopolitical system. Their ori­
gins, nature, and development have been the subjects of considerable
speculation and controversy.
1

A better understanding of the Oneota archaeological tradition
would add considerably to our knowledge of a critical stage of cultural
development in eastern North America--the transition to a sedentary,
nucleated eXistence, with increasing dependence on agriculture.
1.1 Statement of Problem
Until recently, Oneota·research was largely culture-historical in
orientation and focused on three major topics: (1) the "origins" of
the tradition--determining whether Oneota cultures were intrusive from
other regions, or evolved in situ; (2) the affiliation of Oneota groups
to historic Siouan-speaking groups; and (3) clarification of regional
and chronological variation. Ceramics were the most extensively
studied artifacts, since they were considered the most "diagnostic."
More recently,· research emphasis has shifted to economic and
ecological studies (e.g., Gibbon 1982b) as researchers have begun to
examine Oneota adaptations to various environments throughout the
Midwest. These studies have included systematic surveys, subsistence
analyses of individual sites, and site catchment analyses or similar
studies of the relationships between sites and their immediate environ­
ments.
Despite this shift in research orientation, however, relatively
little is yet known about Oneota subsistence and settlement systems, or
their relationships to the development and spatial distribution of
Oneota cultures. Continued systematic surveys, for example, are needed
2

to obtain larger, more representative samples of site types and loca­
tions. Detailed analyses of subsistence remains from many more exca­
vated sites are also needed to provide concrete data on subsistence
practices. In addition, new approaches need to be developed for
studying subsistence- and settlement-related research questions.
Numerous Oneota sites are recorded in the La Crosse region of
western Wisconsin (Figures 1-3), most of them in or near the Missis­
sippi River trench (Stevenson 1984). These sites seem to be related to
nearby Oneota manifestations in Iowa and Minnesota. So far, informa­
tion on subsistence indicates a mixed economy based on agriculture,
upland game, and wetland resources, as was typical of Oneota cultures
elsewhere (J. Brown 1982). Settlement information indicates the
presence of large villages, smaller habitation sites, agricultural
sites, and mortuary areas.
One of the highest research priorities in the La Crosse region is
the clarification of subsistence and settlement practices during the
Oneota occupation. This can best be accomplished thrOUgh the detailed
study and comparison of data from site excavations and systematic sur­
veys.
1.2 Research Objective
The primary goal of this study is to conduct a detailed analysis
of subsistence-related behavior at a specific site, Valley View.
Valley View is a compact, fortified village site located on the terrace
3

of the La Crosse River, near its confluence with the Mississippi.
Extensive excavations at the site in 1979 yielded a large sample of
artifacts, organic remains, and feature information. These data are
used to examine subsistence behavior, and aspects of settlement and
social behavior related to subsistence. More detailed descriptions of
ceramics and other artifacts are planned for a separate report.
1.3 Description of Study
The plant and animal remains recovered from the Valley View Site
are analyzed in this study to see what underlying subsistence strate­
gies they represent. In addition, other evidence from the site is
evaluated to obtain information on settlement and social strategies,
especially as they relate to subsistence. This information is then
integrated with data from other excavated sites to provide a general
summary of Oneota adaptive strategies in the region.
Chapter 2 provides background data for the study. First, it
briefly summarizes information about the Oneota tradition, including
terms and concepts currently in use and those that are used in this
study. It then focuses more specifically on the topic of Oneota
subsistence-related behavior. Next, it describes the Driftless Area
environment of the La Crosse region, including the distribution of the
resources that would have been important to Oneota groups. Finally, it
summarizes what is currently known about the Oneota occupation of the
-region.
4

Chapter 3 summarizes information on the Valley View Site,
including its local setting and the history, nature, and results of the
investigations. It includes a brief summary .of the site's artifacts
and features, as well as its chronological placement.
Chapter 4 presents a detailed evaluation of the subsistence
remains from Valley View, including charred plant remains and all
classes of subsistence-related fauna, followed by interpretations of
the subsistence strategies that these remains represent.
Chapter 5 discusses evidence for settlement and social strategies
at the site, emphasizing subsistence-related behavior. The focus of
the discussion of settlement strategies is the nature of Valley View as
a base settlement: its location, seasons and duration of occupation,
demographic composition, settlement plan,. and role within the overall
settlement system. Intragroup and external social relationships are
also discussed briefly.
Chapter 6 provides a brief summary of the overall adaptation of
Oneota groups to the La Crosse region. It draws on data from Valley
View and other excavated sites in the region, and is intended to form a
basis for future research in the La Crosse area, as well as interre­
gional comparison.
Chapter 7 summarizes the study and its results, and proposes
directions for future research.
5

CHAPTER 2. BACKGROUND
This chapter provides background information and describes the
research questions that led to the Valley View analysis. Section 2.1
briefly describes concepts of and current knowledge about the Oneota
tradition. Section 2.2 focuses specificallY on Oneota subsistence­
related behavior. Section 2.3 describes the physical environment of
the La Crosse region; Section 2.4, the Oneota occupation of the
region.
2.1 The Oneota Tradition
This section briefly summarizes background information on the
Oneota tradition, and on problems and approaches in Oneota research.
The major topics emphasized are (1) the primary characteristics used to
classify archaeological cultures as Oneota ; (2) the spatial distribu­
tion of Oneota cultures; (3) the chronological and cultural relation­
ships evident within the tradition; (4) major concepts and terms used
in Oneota research, including those used in this study; and (5) some of
the highest priorities for future Oneota research.
2.1.1 Distinguishing Characteristics
The Oneota tradition, although its remains are easily recognized
by archaeologists, has defied definition and classification (Henning
6

1970:4; McKern 1945:161; M. Wedel 1959:105). This problem has been
encountered in attempts to define the tradition as a whole:
There is a "sense" to Oneota remains which is identifiable
to most midwestern archaeologists, yet rare is the archaeologist
who can define this "sense" and lucidly differentiate
it from other closely related archaeological remains.
(Henning 1970:3)
It has also been encountered in attempts to examine the variation
evident within the tradition:
at a high level of abstraction, nearly all Oneota phases are
united by an unmistakable "Oneotaness,". • but at the
specific level, there are seemingly endless gradational
rather ·than discrete differences among assemblages.
(Stoltman 1983:239).
This problem of definition has extended even to listing the traits
that distinguish Oneota remains from those of other late prehistoric
archaeological cultures. However, there are several major traits
familiar to most archaeologists working with Oneota materials that form
"a series of shared properties that readily distinguish [Oneota cUl-
tures] from contemporary Late Woodland and Middle Mississippian
societies" (Stoltman 1983: 238-239).
Ceramics. Ceramics are generally considered the single most
diagnostic Oneota artifact. They are primarily shell-tempered, smooth-
surfaced, and globular in shape, with constricted necks and outflaring
rims. They are usually decorated with geometric designs of trails
and/or punctates. Late Woodland ceramics, in contrast, are typically
7

grit-tempered and cordmarked, more conical in shape, and decorated with
different types of designs. Middle Mississippian ceramics are also
shell-tempered and smooth-surfaced, but have a wide range of different
vessel shapes and decorations, and a much higher incidence of painting
and polishing.
Lithics. Lithic assemblages, although far less diagnostic than
ceramics, are characterized by a consistent complex of small unnotched
triangular projectile points, snub-nosed unifacial endscrapers, grooved
sandstone abraders, and (although much less common) catlin1te disk
pipes. Late Woodland lithics also include triangular projectile
points, but do not usually include the other forms. Middle Missis­
sippian cultures share the use of triangular projectile points
(although they are more frequently notched), but have elbow pipes
rather than platform pipes, more common discoidals, and fewer abraders
or snub-nosed endscrapers.
SUbsistence. Oneota subsistence practices are characterized by a
combination of corn agriculture and the collection of a wide range of
wild foods. Middle Mississippian subsistence patterns show a greater
dependence on intensive corn agriculture, while those of Late Woodland
cultures show a primary emphasis on foraging, supplemented by limited
agriculture (Stoltman and Baerreis 1983:225-261).
Settlement. Oneota settlements include a large number of perma­
nent or semi-permanent villages, many of them reoccupied over a long
time span. Middle Mississippian settlement patterns reflect greater
8

permanence and complexity, with distinct hierarchies of site types,
including towns. Middle Mississippian sites often have plazas, plat­
form mounds, and wall-trench houses, all lacking at Oneota sites. Late
Woodland settlement patterns reflect a much higher degree of mobility,
with smaller and less permanent settlements typical.
Sociopolitical systems. The level of sociopolitical organization
represented in the Oneota tradition is probably that of the tribe, with
a basically egalitarian social system, but also with extensive long­
distance communication networks. Late Woodland societies were also
primarily egalitarian but probably had less complex, and perhaps more
·localized, sociopolitical systems. Middle Mississippian archaeological
remains, in contrast, reflect a ·more highly organized sociopolitical
system--probably a chiefdom with a non-egalitarian, ranked social
system.
2.1.2 Spatial Distribution
Oneota sites are found over a large portion of eastern North
America. On one level, they displaY great similarities throughout
their area of distribution, but on another, they display significant
variation.
Overall distribution. Sites classified as Oneota have been found
from Minnesota and Wisconsin southward through Missouri, and from
Indiana and Illinois westward onto the eastern Great Plains. Oneota
sites are not continuous over this area; instead, they occur in discon­
tinuous clusters. Some of these clusters are the result of differen-
9

tial survey and research coverage; however, there do appear to have
been discrete regional manifestations.
Variation. Spatial variation within the tradition is evident on
two different scales. First, broad differences are apparent between
eastern and western manifestations, reflected in traits such as house
types and artifact styles'. These differences probablY represent
general dissimilarities in adaptations to the physical and social
environments of the eastern Woodlands versus the western Plains (Gibbon
1969:323; Glenn 1974:10; Overstreet 1981:516; M. Wedel 1959:122).
Second, variation is visible on more of a regional scale, especially in
ceramics. This regional variation has led to the definition of foci
and phases as subdivisions of the tradition (discussed in Section
2.1.4.).
2.1.3 Chronology and Cultural Relationships
Oneota sites date primarily between A.D. 1000 and early historic
times (Dobbs 1982). The chronological and cultural relationships
within this general time span are important because of controversy over
(1) the nature of any changes within the tradition through time, (2)
the origins of the tradition, and (3) the affiliation of Oneota
cultures to historic Native American groups.
Temporal variation. Two basic types of temporal variation within
the Oneota tradition have been studied. First, on a broad scale,
developmental changes are evident throughout the entire tradition,
10

using both archaeological and historic evidence, made a good case for
linking the historic Ioway to Orr Phase Oneota sites in northeastern
Iowa (Blaine 1979; Mott 1938; M. Wedel 1959, 1961, 1976). Similar con­
nections have been postulated for Oneota manifestations in other
regions and Native American groups of the Siouan Chiwere-Winnebago
complex (e.g., Springer and Witkowski 1982), including the Oto (Dobbs
1984; Harvey 1979), Missouri (Henning 1970), and Winnebago (Griffin
1960). Some of the connections are much weaker than that proposed for
the Orr Phase and the Ioway--for example, the link between the historic
Winnebago and prehistoric Oneota sites in eastern Wisconsin (Griffin
1960; Mason 1976; Overstreet 1982).
2.1.4 Concepts and Terms Used in Oneota Research
Research on the Oneota tradition has traditionally been plagued by
confusion over concepts and terms. This section briefly reviews those
most often used in Oneota studies, and then discusses their application
in this study.
The Oneota tradition. McKern initially classified Oneota as an
"Aspect" within his Midwest Taxonomic System, based on close similari­
ties between archaeological remains found in Iowa and Wisconsin (McKern
1945). The Oneota Aspect was grouped with similar manifestations in
other areas (e.g., Fort Ancient in Ohio) into the Upper Mississippian
Phase; this phase, in turn, was grouped with the Middle Mississippian
Phase at an even more general level into the Mississippian Pattern.
McKern based these classifications primarily on shared traits and
13

geographic distribution. However, he found the existing information
inadequate to enumerate the traits distinguishing either the Oneota
Aspect or the Upper Mississippian Phase. Consequently, as Wedel
observed;
The term Oneota sometimes appears to be a catchall for
archaeological complexes that occur in the general upper
Mississippi-lower Missouri River region and that are not
Woodland, Middle Mississippi or definite Plains manifestations.
• This nebulous concept of the Oneota Aspect has
such a vague definition boundary that its meaning is equally
diffuse. (M. Wedel 1959:105)
Concern over the lack of temporal parameters in McKern's classifi-
cation system later prompted the adoption of the term "Oneota
tradition" (Hall 1962:107). Willey and Phillips (1958:37-38) defined
an archaeological tradition as
a (primarily) temporal continuity represented by persistent
configurations in single technologies or other systems of
related forms. • Traditions may be based on more complex
systems of forms than that represented by .a single technology.
We have in mind something like the functionally
interrelated trait complexes of the ethnographer.
Willey and Phillips had visualized the tradition, like the hori-
zon, as an integrative archaeological unit that could not be inter-
preted in terms of social units:
These units are the archaeological expressions of the processes
of diffusion. They have come into existence in
response to an awareness that particular forms and systems-as
distinct from whole, functioning, cultural units--flow
through geographical space and time in a manner seemingly
independent of the cultural matrices in which they are
found. (Willey and Phillips 1958:51)
14

When the term "tradition" was applied to Oneota cUltures, it was
never clearly def'ined, although it was meant "in a sense. [of']
being quite inclusive and embracing various aspects of' culture" (Hall
1962:108). The strongest emphasis was placed on ceramics:
In the case of' the Oneota tradition, continuity is most evident
not in the area of' domestic architecture and settlement
patterns but in the area of' ceramics. Outside of' ceramics
there are f'ew culture traits which are both diagnostic of'
Oneota and found only in Oneota complexes. (Hall 1962:108)
Furthermore, although it had not been def'ined, the Oneota tradi-
tion was immediately assumed to be correlated to some type of' social
unit: "it has also been necessary to consider the nature and identity
of' the social or ethnic unit of' Which the Oneota tradition is the
archaeological expression" (Hall 1962:108). The nature of the social
or ethnic "unit" that might be represented was never discussed.
Gradually, the term "Oneota" assumed a number of' dif'f'erent
meanings, causing considerable conf'usion over "the nature of' 'Oneota'
as a unit of' analysis" (Gibbon 1982a:86). As Gibbon points out, key
questions have not yet been answered, including whether "Oneota" is an
archaeological culture or' a culture in the ethnographic sense (Gibbon
1982a:86-87):
we cannot be conf'ident. • that archaeological cultures
like Oneota relate in any straightforward and simple manner
to historical groupings, language clusters, and other
aspects of sociopolitical and biological lif'e. (Gibbon
1982a:87)
15

The phase was intended to be "the 'manageable' unit of archaeological
study. It can be manipulated in large-scale area schemes as though its
internal dimensions were non-existent" (Willey and Phillips 1958:40).
The phase concept has proved somewhat difficult to apply in Oneota
research, because of the gradational nature of the variation within the
tradition. Nevertheless, although few Oneota phases have been clearly
defined, many have been named. They include the Orr Phase of Iowa and
Missouri (Henning 1970; McKern 1945; tiffany 1979, 1982; M. Wedel
1959), the Blue Island and Huber Phases of northeastern Illinois (Bluhm
and Fenner 1961; Bluhm and Liss 1961; J. Brown 1979), the Blue Earth
and Silvernale Phases of Minnesota (Dobbs 1984; Dobbs and Shane 1982;
Gibbon 1979., 1983; Hurley 1978); and the Lake Winnebago, Koshkonong,
and Grand River Phases of eastern Wisconsin (McKern 1945; Overstreet
1976, 1978, 1981). Of these, the most important in western Wisconsin
prehistory are the Orr and Blue Earth phases.
The concept of the Orr Phase was derived from the Orr Focus,
defined by McKern (1945) and discussed in more detail by Wedel
(M. Wedel 1959). Henning (1970:151-152) noted that the Orr Phase was
characterized by (1) distribution throughout the Prairie Peninsula,
from Nebraska to Chicago; (2) the presence of Allamakee Trailed
pottery; and (3) a semi-sedentary, highly adaptable mixed economy,
focusing more heavily on bison west of the Mississippi, and on deer and
small mammals to the east. The Orr Phase became known as a late phase
within the Oneota tradition, largely because of the associations of Orr
17

sites in northeastern Iowa with trade items and the reported locations
of historic Ioway villages (M. Wedel 1959).
The Blue Earth Phase is best known from the Red Wing and Blue
Earth locales in Minnesota (e.g., Dobbs 1984; Gibbon 1983); it is often
grouped into the same complex with Correctionville. Orr and Blue
Earth-Correctionville manifestations are distinguished primarily by
their ceramics. Based on the distribution of sites and materials,
there might be a close relationship between the two manifestations.
The nature of the relationship is unclear, but might be partly
geographic, partly temporal (with Blue Earth-Correctionville somewhat
earlier than Orr), or partly a reflection of tribal or cultural dif-
ferences (with Orr associated with predecessors of the Ioway, and Blue·
Earth-Correctionville associated with predecessors of the Oto) (Glenn
1974:26-27; Henning 1970:153-154).
Henning proposed the use of the term "group continuity" as an
alternative to the phase concept, "where related archaeological remains
within a defined geographic space appear to suggest a cultural con-
tinuum through time" (Henning 1970:9). He carefully distinguished
between the "group continuity" and the "local" or "regional sequence:"
One might argue that the term "local" or "regional" sequence
offered by Willey and Phillips (1958:24-27) is preferable to
the term "group continuity.". • I consider "group continuity"
as implying a.close evolutionary relationship between
phases or subphases within a defined geographical unit. One
or more "group continuities" might constitute portions of a
local ·or regional sequence; there may be no diachronic cultural
relationship between these group continuities. The
group continuity bears traditional elements; the local or
regional sequence does not necessarily do so. (Henning
1970:10)
18

Henning applied the group continuity concept to the Chariton River
region of Missouri (1970:7), but did not believe that it could be
applied to Orr materials: "There is no locale which yields evidence
for an Orr phase 'group continuity' within restricted boundaries"
(1970:151). Later, McKusick proposed that a group continuity be
defined for Orr materials in the Upper Iowa River Valley region (Glenn
1974:25; McKusick 1973:64).
Dobbs (1984) has also used the term "group continuity" in his
recent analysis of Blue Earth manifestations, but with a somewhat dif­
ferent meaning. Although he cites Henning's definitions of the term,
Dobbs lists the "well-defined" Oneota group continuities, besides
Chariton River, as Lake Winnebago, Orr, and Blue Earth, and other
possible group continuities as Grand River, Lake Koshkonong, Huber, and
Moingona (Dobbs 1984:8). He sees each of these group continuities as
spanning "a considerable period of time

Consequently, it is important to define the terms and concepts used in
a particular study, and to try to avoid contradictory or inconsistent
usage of terms--although that is nearly impossible, given the
complexity of the terminology.
In this study, I have attempted to make a distinction between
Oneota archaeological cultures and any past human societies that they
represent. The "Oneota tradition" is viewed as an archaeological unit,
composed of a series of archaeological cultures that display the traits
described in Section 2.1.1. It is not assumed to represent any par­
ticular social, cUltural, or linguistic entity. Nevertheless, the
similarities evident throughout the tradition indicate some sort of
interconnection among the living societies that left the remains. This
interconnection is envisioned as a social or information network, a
communication system that might have taken any number of forms, and
might not have corresponded to specific social, cUltural, or
linguistic entities.
The term "phase" is used with reluctance, since the most important
phase in this study--the Orr Phase--is poorly defined and understood
outside of northeastern Iowa. The Orr Phase refers primarily to the
better-known Iowa manifestations, while the Blue Earth Phase refers to
the best-documented complex of materials from southern Minnesota. The
"group continuity" concept is not used.
In later chapters, I refer to Oneota "societies," meaning any
living societies that left the remains we classify as Oneotaj again, a
20

direct correlation between,individual archaeological units and social
entities is not assumed. During the discussions of Oneota adaptive
strategies, I make numerous references to Oneota "groups." This term
refers to social groups of intentionally unspecified size or compo­
sition; the problems or behaviors under consideration could apply to
social groups on almost any scale. "Local groups" refers to Oneota
social groups of various sizes occupying the La Crosse region.
2.1.5 Research Needs
Oneota research has often focused on culture-historical questions
and approaches. These have included studies of the origins and
historic"affiliations of the archaeological tradition, and the classi­
fication arid· ordering of Oneota artifacts and the cultures they appear
to represent. Although this research has been very informative, a need
exists for the continued development of new research approaches.
Subsistence practices. Oneota subsistence practices recently have
become a major focus for research. They are important because they
add a new perspective to the study of the tradition, its development,
and its regional variation. Particularly important is the study of
adaptive strategies, directed towards gaining a better understanding of
Oneota adaptations to various environments. Research on Oneota subsis­
tence practices' is reviewed in more detail in Section 2.2.
Site tYpes and settlement patterns. Oneota site types, their
locations, and their significance in terms of overall settlement pat-
21

terns have also received greater attention in recent research. Like
subsistence practices, they help to fill out the picture of Oneota
adaptations to different regions, and the relationships between settle­
ment and social systems. Aspects of research on settlement patterns
are also discussed in Section 2.2.
Studies of regional manifestations. Throughout the course of
Oneota research, some of the most useful and informative studies have
been those that concentrated on the study of specific regions--for
example, Wedel's study of the Upper Iowa River valley (M. Wedel 1959)
and Henning's study of the Chariton River region (Henning 1970). Many
aspects of Oneota research are approached most easily on a regional
scale. For example, in culture-historical studies, well-known regional
sequences and relationships can be compared to look for large-scale
patterns. In addition, regional research can examine adaptations to
specific environments, which providing a new perspective for studying
the archaeological cultures. In particular, the study of adaptive
strategies on a regional scale can explore adaptations to different
environments; can integrate subsistence, settlement, and social beha­
vior;and can provide a solid basis for comparisons between regions.
Models and other research frameworks. Much of Oneota research has
been devoted to developing classification schemes and identifying
chronological and cultural relationships. In many respects, however,
Oneota artifacts and cultures are not amenable to taxonomic classifica-
22

2.2 Oneota Subsistence-Related Behavior
Section 2.1 presented information on the Oneota tradition and
various research approaches used to study it. This section concen­
trates on an increasingly important focus of Oneota research-­
subsistence behavior, and related aspects of social and settlement
behavior. It briefly summarizes recent developments in the analysis
of subsistence patterns, settlement patterns, and the relationships
between individual sites and their settings, and points out high
priorities for further research on these topics.
2.2.1 Subsistence Patterns
Recent research on Oneota subsistence patterns has included both
the analysis of plant and animal remains from excavated sites, and
theoretical developments in describing and interpreting the Oneota
subsistence economy.
Analysis of floral and faunal remains. One factor that has ham­
pered the study of Oneota subsistence practices has been the scarcity
of detailed studies of organic remains from excavated sites. In
earlier times, this lack of information was due to both inadequate
techniques for recovering organic remains, and a primary research
emphasis on artifacts, particularly ceramics. For example, McKern's
in-depth study of Oneota materials from Wisconsin provided detailed
descriptions of the artifacts, but lumped the organic remains from all
the sites into a very brief, general description (McKern 1945). Later
24

works, concerned primarily with ceramics or culture-historical
questions, also provided little information on subsistence, although
organic remains were collected and usually identified (e.g., Henning
1970) •
One factor complicating the analysis of subsistence remains from
most Oneota sites is their sheer abundance, a particular problem with
fish and other small-scale remains, for which identification is both
time-consuming and difficult. However, detailed quantitative studies
of these materials' are badly needed, to provide concrete data on Oneota
subsistence.
In Wisconsin, small samples of faunal or floral remains have been
analyzed from numerous sites. Recently, there have been some detailed
analyses of larger samples. Franz, for example, studied a large
sample of vertebrate faunal remains from the Sauer Resort Site in
eastern Wisconsin, examining the utilization of fish and other animal
resources (Franz 1984a, 1984b). Overstreet's research on the Pipe
Site, also in eastern Wisconsin, included the interpretation of large
samples of faunal and floral remains (Overstreet 1981; Yerkes 1981).
These studies are examples of an approach that will undoubtedly become
much more common in future Oneota research.
Interpretations of subsistence systems. Researchers have long
concluded that Oneota groups had a "mixed" economy, relying on a com­
bination of agriculture, hunting, and the collection of other wild
foods: "The habits of the people involved, in so far as it is now
25

possible to determine, were those of a hunting culture, secondarily
agricultural" (McKern 1945:170).
This interpretation has been supported and refined by subsequent
work. Cleland, for example, considered Oneota groups to have had
diffuse economies developing from the focal agricultural
economies of more southern Middle Mississippian societies.
Such a change is thought to be the result of the northward
push of the agricultural complex into areas which would not
support a focal economy. These people were thus, not only
forced to switch the emphasis they had placed on various
resources, but to arrive at a significantly new cultural
adaptation. • The readaptive process eventually brought
about the differential utilization of secondary resources
which were available in varying quantities in differential
microenvironmental situations. (Cleland 1966:96-97)
Gibbon (1972a), unlike Cleland, favored in situ development as the
explanation for Oneota origins, but saw the mixed Oneota economy as
resulting from the intensification of horticulture from an earlier
Woodland base; hunting, fishing, and other foraging activities were
retained from this earlier economic system. The types of subsistence
activities practiced by early Oneota societies depended largely on the-
local environment and its potential for horticulture as opposed to
other subsistence activities:
Early Oneota settlements in Wisconsin are diverse, subregional
adaptations to particular ecological niches. Their
exploitive pattern is one of efficient horticulture and the
intense exploitation of local resources. (Gibbon 1972a:177)
26

He argued that later, when.the Prairie Peninsula expanded during the
Pacific climatic episode, two basic cultural-ecological adaptations
developed: the "Grasslands" adaptation in the west, emphasizing com-
munal hunts and horticulture; and the "Lake-Woods" adaptation in the
east, emphasizing horticulture and local resources (Gibbon 1972a:
177-178, 182).
Overstreet (1981), in debating Gibbon's transformation hypothesis
for the explanation of Oneota origins, observed that early Oneota sites
in eastern Wisconsin reveal great overall uniformity in subsistence
practices, reflecting developments among "resident population which are
derived neither from Cahokia nor from the coeval Effigy Mound
Tradition" (1981:515). He agreed with Gibbon that a basic dichotomy
existed between "Grasslands" adaptations to the west and "Lake-Woods"
adaptations to the east, but argued that they reflect two completely
different developmental traditions (1981:516).
Brown recently summarized existing information and ideas on the
Oneota subsistence economy, and pointed out the broad similarities in
Oneota economic adaptations in various regions (J. Brown 1982). He
described the Oneota economy as having three basic components that
could be adapted to a wide variety of environments, including those of
both the western Grasslands and the eastern ridges and lowlands, or
Lake-Woods:
The consistency of Oneota material culture over a broad
range of environments implies to me that the subsistence
strategies of this cultural system were successful within a
broad range of environments having the same suite of essen-
27

tial resources. There were at least three food procurement
strategies: upland big game hunting, wetland harvesting and
corn agriculture. They make sense as a potentially optimal
mixture of hunting, gathering and agriculture that could be
pursued successfully within various parts of the Prairie
Peninsula. • (J. Brown 1982:111)
Brown also concluded that the Oneota population density in more
northerly regions was lower than that of complex Mississippian groups
farther to the south. Food needs of Oneota groups, consequently, could
have been met easily by this mixed economy of hunting, gathering, and
agriculture.
Sasso (1983a) subsequently expanded on Brown's analysis. Using
Boserup's five stages of agricultural intensification (Boserup 1965)
and Ford's (1977) interpretation of the development of North· American
subsistence systems, Sasso proposed seven stages of subsistence
development, incorporating both agricultural and non-agricultural
activities. In this scheme, Oneota groups were classified as semi-
agricultural foragers, practicing a mixed subsistence strategy.
Although studies such as these have greatly improved knowledge of
Oneota subsistence patterns, additional research is required. First,
more quantitative data are needed on subsistence activities at indivi-
dual sites, particularly through the analysis of large samples of plant
and animal remains. Second, studies need to be directed toward
explaining the nature of the Oneota subsistence economy in terms of
three different topics: (1) the overall nature of Oneota subsistence
strategies, particularly their differences from Woodland and Middle
Mississippian strategies; (2) regional adaptive strategies, focusing on
28

adaptations to various environments, and (3) possible changes in adap­
tive strategies through time.
2.2.2 Settlement Patterns
Oneota settlement patterns, closely related to subsistence pat­
terns, have also received attention since the early days of Oneota
research. McKern, for example, concluded that Oneota groups were
"semi-sedentary, as indicated by large, rather permanent villages.
Prominent flat elevations bordering water courses were favored as habi­
tation sites" (McKern 1945:170). Research since that time has focused
on two major topics: the study of individual settlements, and the
study of site types and their locations.
Analysis of individual sites. The study of individual Oneota
sites has involved primarily (1) the study of settlement plans at exca­
vated sites, and (2) interpretations of the nature of individual sites
as settlements.
Oneota sites, especially large village sites, are usually complex.
They are often large, and show evidence of repeated occupation.
Consequently, analyzing their settlement plans is difficult, particu­
larly from small-scale excavations. Small-scale excavations often
uncover groupings of features, or single structures with associated
features (e.g., Gibbon 1972b; Hall 1962; Overstreet 1981; Stoltman
1973). In a few cases, large-scale excavations have permitted the
mapping of groups of structures, approaching complete settlement plans
29

(e.g., McKusick 1"973). In general, much more information is needed on
the settlement plans represented at Oneota sites.
The nature of the settlements represented by individual Oneota
sites has also received some consideration. McKusick (1973), for
example, used the number and size of the longhouses he identified at
the Grant Village Site in Iowa to infer the size and composition of
the village represented. At other sites, organic remains, features,
and artifacts have been used to determine the seasons of occupation
and types of settlements represented. For example, Gibbon (1972b:255)
interpreted the Walker-Hooper Site in eastern Wisconsin as a "large
summer agricultural village" and the Bornick Site, in contrast, as a
"fall spring and winter occupation by a single family unit."
In general, determining the nature or role of an individual site
as a settlement depends on the reliability with which (1) individual
occupations can be isolated (often difficult at complex reoccupied
sites), and (2) indications of seasonality can be identified in the
organic remains. The concentration of most Oneota research on large
village sites, often without adequate knowledge of reoccupation pat­
terns, has undoubtedly presented an inadequate, and perhaps even
misleading, picture of Oneota settlements. Additional settlement
analyses of individual sites, including those other than large villa­
ges, is a high priority for future research.
Site types· and locations. The second major focus of research on
Oneota settlement involves identification of the various site types
30

that comprise overall settlement patterns. Until recently, non­
systematic surveying provided a biased sample of site types and loca­
tions. Recently, however, increasing emphasis on systematic surveys
has begun to provide valuable information on types and distributions of
Oneota sites.
For example, in systematic surveys of the Blue Earth River Valley
of south-central Minnesota, Dobbs and Shane found distinct distribution
patterns of Oneota sites (Dobbs 1984; Dobbs and Shane 1982). Dobbs
(1984) compared various artifact indexes to attributes of the sites and
their settings, and identified six basic site types: (1) small,
special-activity sites in the uplands or on bluffs, at which hide­
processing might have been common; (2) village or habitation sites in
uplands or on bluffs, with an emphasis on hide-processing; (3) probable
lithic workshops in the uplands or on bluffs; (4) large diffuse
scatters on certain bluffs or uplands; (5) small upland sites where
processing of game and initial core reduction were both important; and
(6) probable horticultural villages with dense remains on knolls in the
floodplain. Dobbs concluded that settlements were usually located
adjacent to arable land, particularly in the wider portions of the
floodplain, and that settlement location was greatly influenced by soil
types, probably related to drainage of subsurface storage pits.
Other systematic surveys directed at Oneota settlement patterns
have included those in the Root River watershed of southeastern
Minnesota (Trow 1981; Withrow and Rodell 1985); the Menominee River
watershed of northern Wisconsin and the Upper Peninsula of Michigan
31

(Buckmaster 1979); and the Coon Valley watershed of southwestern
Wisconsin (R. Sasso, personal communication).
Systematic surveys such as these are the only wayto gather ade­
quate information for interpreting Oneota settlement patterns, and
will undoubtedly remain a high priority in future research.
2.2.3 Relationships Between SUbsistence and Settlement Patterns
A third branch of research on Oneota subsistence-related behavior
has concentrated on clarifying the relationships between subsistence
and settlement patterns. Two basic approaches have been used most
frequently: (1) studying the environmental settings of individual
sites, with an emphasis on resource availability; and (2) studying
sites throughout a region, with an emphasis on identifying subsistence­
related factors in their locations.
Individual sites and their settings. The study of the relation­
ships of individual sites to their immediate surroundings has become
increasingly popular in Oneota research. Many such studies rely on
modified versions of site catchment analysis to define and examine an
arbitrary area around each site. This area is then interpreted in
terms of its resource potential.
Michalik (1982), for example, studied the relationships between
several Oneota sites and their local environments in the Chicago area
of northeastern Illinois. Her main contention was that the Oneota eco­
nomy represented the modification of a Middle Mississippian farming
32

economy to agriculturally marginal areas--especially to northern
environments that would have been prone to frost or flooding, with only
moderately productive soils. Michalik first defined circular catch­
ments of one-mile radius around each site, and then examined soil types
within each catchment; unfortunately, the modern soils information used
was biased by extensive modern development. Although faunal remains
from several sites were also compared, only the number of fragments for
each species was evaluated, rather than the minimum number of indivi­
duals or amount of edible meat or energy represented.
Tiffany (1982) examined the settings of 22 Oneota "village" sites
in southeastern Iowa, looking at the presence of water, arable land,
game, views, timber, clays, and chert in a circular catchment of two­
mile radius around each site. He concluded that (1) there was prefer­
ential selection of upland and lowland settings, although sites in both
locations were oriented toward forest-riverine environments; (2) in
general, site locations were selected to take advantage of the resour­
ces of the Mississippi Valley; (3) the sites were clustered, probably
for non-economic reasons; and (4) there might have been seasonal dif­
ferences between upland and lowland sites (although he found little
evidence of this). Unfortunately, Tiffany'S study contained serious
methodological and interpretive problems. For example, the use of
large, circular catchments. masked differences in the actual availabi­
lity of resources from upland and floodplain sites. In addition, he
did not include wetlands as an economic zone, and relied solely on the
33

uncritical use of modern soils information to interpret the past
environment.
Continued research on the relationships of individual sites to
their settings should remain a high priority. Better approaches need
to be devised for interpreting the economic potential of local environ­
ments. In addition, greater emphasis should be placed on incorporating
information on the plant and animal remains found at the sites, so that
the subsistence potential postulated for each site can be compared to
the actual subsistence practices of the occupants.
General studies of site locations. As described in the first
paragraph of this section, similarities in the locations of Oneota
village sites had been recognized by McKern even in the early days of
Oneota research. More recently, however, there has been increased
emphasis on the systematic iaentification of factors in site location.
Two different approaches have been used: (1) the study of sites in a
region, to see what site location factors they have in common; and
(2) the prediction of site location factors, followed by testing to see
whether they are correct.
Rodell (1983) followed up on Overstreet's (1976, 1978, 1981)
analysis of Oneota subsistence and settlement patterns in eastern
Wisconsin by examining the locations of 64 sites. He found that the
favored habitats for Oneota sites in this region.were "wetland­
eutrophic lake settings along portions of the Fox-Wolf and Rock Rivers"
(Rodell 1983:107). Such settings would have provided access to various

economic zones, including prime arable land, oak openings, forests, and
aquatic habitats.
Sasso (1983a) used optimal foraging theory and, in particular,
concepts of resource "pull" and aggregation, as a framework for making
several predictions about Oneota base settlements: (1) in any region,
they would have been located to maximize access to important resources;
(2) in unglaciated regions, they would have been located in floodplain
and terrace settings, and to some extent in the uplands, where wetland
resources might also have been available; and (3) in unglaciated
regions they would have been restricted primarily to floodplain and
terrace settings, because of the lack of wetland resources in these
uplands.
2.2.4 Summary of Research Needs
The highest priorities for future research on Oneota subsistence­
related behavior are as follows: (1) analysis of plant and animal
remains; (2) studies of individual settlements and overall settlement
patterns; (3) analysis of the relationships between sites and their
settings; (4) regional studies; and (5) integration of subsistence,
settlement, and social behavior through the study of adaptive
strategies.
Analysis of plant and animal remains. One of the highest priori­
ties for future research should be the detailed study of large samples
of plant and animal remains from carefully excavated sites. This
35

information is critical to understanding Oneota subsistence practices
in various environments, at various times, and at different site types.
Without these quantitative data, comparisons among sites or regions are
extremely difficult and unreliable.
Settlement studies. Two priorities are evident for research on
this topic. First, continued systematic surveys covering a wide range
of environments are needed to provide information on different site
types and where they occur. Second, analyses of individual sites are
needed, focusing on their roles within settlement systems. Future
research on individual sites should include a range of different site
types, to counterbalance the emphasis on villages in previous excava­
tions.
Relationships between sites and their settings. Studying the
relationships between individual sites and their local environmental
settings provides an ideal approach for integrating subsistence and
settlement behavior. The setting of an individual site can be examined
to ascertain its resource potential; this information can then be com­
pared to subsistence remains and evidence of other activities at the
site. Site locations and settings can also be compared on a regional
scale, and predictive models of site locations can be tested by syste­
matic surveying.
Regional studies. Studies of subsistence-related behavior in
specific regions can help to identify adaptations to different environ­
ments. In addition, problems of chronological and cultural relation-
36

ships can be approached most easily on a regional scale; such
information adds time depth to the study of subsistence-related
behavior. Studies of subsistence strategies correlated with regional
sequences can provide a sound basis for comparing different regions.
Adaptive strategies. Subsistence behavior and related aspects of
social and settlement behavior can be integrated through the study of
adaptive strategies. These strategies reflect how groups adapt to
specific physical and social environments; they are ·also flexible and
likely to change through time. The study of adaptive strategies pro­
vides an ideal framework for analyzing the similarities and differences
between Oneota cultures through time and from one region to another.
2.3 The La Crosse Region
Human societies in any region are faced with opportunities and
constraints directly tied to the region's environment. Particularly
important to prehistoric societies were the types and spatial distri­
bution of important resources, and the availability of those resources
throughout the year and from one year to the next. This chapter sum­
marizes the physical environment of the La Crosse region--including its
physiography, hydrology, climate, soilS, flora, and fauna--and the
distribution of resources within the region. This information is
incorporated into the Valley View analysis.
37

2.3.1 Physical Environment
The La Crosse region is located within the physiographic region of
southeastern Minnesota, southwestern Wisconsin, northwestern Illinois,
and northeastern Iowa commonly known as the Driftless Area. Much of
this area remained unglaciated at least during the most recent glacial
episodes, and probably throughout the Pleistocene (Hallberg, Bettis,
and Prior 1984; Mickelson, Knox, and Clayton 1982). Its topography and
resources are very different from those of neighboring glaciated areas
(see Geological and Natural History Survey 1982).
Physiography. The Driftless Area is a deeply dissected upland;
Martin (1965) refers to this portion of Wisconsin as the "Western
Upland". The rugged topography is formed by stream downcutting through
sandstone and dolomite bedrock, creating dendritic drainages with sharp
ridges and numerous small valleys known locally as "COUleeS." To the
south of the La Crosse River, soft Upper Cambrian sandstone bedrock is
overlain by a cap of harder Prairie du Chien (lower Magnesian) dolo­
mite, which is more resistant to erosion. As a consequence, the ridge
tops in this portion of the region are long, narrow, and fairly level,
and the valleys are narrow and steep-sided (Beatty 1960; Martin 1965).
North of the La Crosse River, the dolomite cap has largely eroded away,
leaving rounded ridge tops and broader, more gentlY sloping valleys.
The most prominent feature of the La Crosse region is the network
of major river valleYS: the Mississippi River Valley, the Black and
La Crosse River Valleys on the east side of the Mississippi, and the
38

Root River Valley on the west (Figures 1, 3). These valleys are deep,
wide trenches with high bluffs on either side. At the end of the
Pleistocene, deep sediments were deposited very rapidly in the major
valleys (Martin 1965:133). In some valleys, this increased deposition
was caused by the large volume of sediment carried in glacial melt­
water. Other rivers, including the La Crosse, did not carry glacial
meltwater, but underwent aggradation or up-building that created simi­
lar deposits. Many smaller streams in the region were unable to keep
up with the increased deposition along the major rivers, and their
outlets were blocked by sediment, forming small lakes or wetlands at
the mouths of many tributary valleys.
Later downcutting through the valley-bottom deposits left the
broad, level terraces typical of the major valleys in the region.
These terraces are composed of complex layers of sands, clays, and some
gravel. Escarpments 40 or 50 feet high often border the terraces where
they drop down to broad floodplains, created by river meandering during
downcutting. Typical landforms within the floodplains are meander
scars, large wetlands (many of which have been drained for agriculture),
and occasional terrace remnants.
Hydrology. In the twentieth century, dam construction, stream
channelization, and wetland drainage have considerably altered the
hydrology of the La Crosse region. The most dramatic changes were
caused by the construction of the lock and dam system on the Missis­
sippi River. Early maps and records provide some idea of the prehis-
39

toric hydrology of the Mississippi Valley (e.g., Mississippi River
Commission 1894; U. S. Army Corps of Engineers 1936; Wood 1983). The
maps show many bottomland features such as lakes, sloughs, wetlands,
and islands that are now sUbmerged.
Today, water levels on the Mississippi are generally kept high to
facilitate barge traffic, but fluctuations of the levels contribute to
severe shoreline erosion. Siltation has also increased, aggravated by
extensive cUltivation of the surrounding uplands. The lock and dam
system has also dramatically altered wildlife habitats. For example,
naiad and fish populations have been strongly affected by siltation and
by the dams acting as barriers to fish movement. Some waterfowl habi­
tats (especially that of pUddle ducks) have actually expanded because
of the maintenance of higher, more constant water levels, increasing
use of the Mississippi flyway (Jahn and Hunt 1964).
Hydrological conditions have been altered considerably even out­
side of the Mississippi Valley. Stream channelization is a common
practice, as is drainage of wetlands for agriculture and construction.
Clearing and cultivation have aggravated erosion from the uplands;
modern alluvium several meters deep is typical of Driftless Area valley
bottoms (Trimble and Lund 1982).
Climate. The modern climate of the La Crosse region is humid
continental (Trewartha 1962), with hot summers and very cold winters.
La Crosse County currently has an average growing season of 163 days
(Beatty 1960; Hartley 1960:178). Rainfall generally is adequate,
40

averaging about 30 inches (76 em) per year; however, its distribution
during the growing season is somewhat variable. In general, tempera­
tures within the Mississippi trench are higher than those outside of it
(Hartley 1960:178). Prevailing winds at the city of La Crosse are
southerly most of the year, while those in the uplands are westerly;
this difference is due primarily to the city's location in the trench
(Beatty 1960).
Past climatic conditions in the La Crosse region undoubtedly
varied considerably from those of today. Broad-scale paleoclimato­
logical studies have led to the definition of several climatic sUb­
divisions of the last millenium that reflected major changes in
atmospheric circulation patterns (Baerreis and Bryson 1965; Baerreis,
Bryson, and Kutzbach 1976; Bryson and Wendland 1967; Wendland. and
Bryson 1974). The Neo-Atlantic period, lasting from roughly A.D. "800­
900 to A.D. 1200-1250, was generally characterized by warm conditions
throughout much of North America, with increased precipitation in some
areas, including portions of the Great Plains. The subsequent Pacific
period witnessed a shift to a more zonal circulation pattern from about
A.D. 1250 to about A.D. 1450, bringing dryer conditions to the central
United States, and causing the expansion of the Prairie Peninsula.
From about A.D. 1450 to 1550, at the end of the Pacific, conditions may
have reverted to those of the Neo-Atlantic. After A.D. 1550, a marked
cooling occurred throughout much of North America, caused by a south-
41

in some other way provided a microenvironment different from that of
the rest of the Driftless Area. On the other hand, changes in atmos­
pheric circulation patterns might have had significant effects on the
frequency and magnitude of floods, which would have been important
factors in the trench (Knox, McDowell, and Johnson 1981). Studying the
climatic history of this region is an extremely high priority for
future research.
Soils. Soils of the La Crosse region are variable and complex
(Beatty 1960; Hole 1976; Whitson et al. 1914). Silty soils are found
on the loess-covered upland ridges. Erosion of these ridges has been
severe, especially since the beginning of Euro-American farming in the
late 1800s. The terraces have sandy soils that are easily worked, but
are relatively low in fertility, and prone to drought and wind erosion.
Sand dunes are common on some portions of the terraces. Silty soils
are common on the valleys and benches away from the Mississippi River,
and on some of the low hills near the river. Wet bottomland soils are
found in some of the larger valleys, especially the Mississippi trench;
these soils were more widespread before historic hydrological changes.
Many of these valley-bottom soils are extremely fertile, although they
are often inadequately drained.
Flora. Vegetation communities in the region are closely related
to both soils and landforms (Beatty 1960; Curtis 1959; Hansen 1939;
Hartley 1957, 1960, 1966; Swanson and Sohmer 1978). In the larger
river valleys, a mosaic of aquatic, wetland, and lowland forest com-
43

munities is found in bottomlands that are permanently, seasonally, or
infrequently flooded. Before historic hydrological changes, these com-
munities would have been more extensive and complex, especially in the
Mississippi Valley (Mississippi River Commission 1894). In the smaller
valleys, less extensive and complex bottomland communities would have
been present (A. Brown 1947).
Today, the native vegetation of the terraces has been almost
completelY eradicated by cUltivation, development, and the introduction
of non-native species. In prehistoric times, the sandy soils of the
terraces would have supported prairie and oak savanna communities. The
escarpments.common along the terrace edges would have been wooded or
brushy.
Like the terraces, the valley sides and uplands have been altered
considerably since Euro-American settlement. Today, they are wooded,
except for some areas that are cultivated or in pasture. Prehistoric-
ally, they would have supported a mosaic of prairie, oak opening, and
deciduous forest communities. The exact distribution and species com-
position of these communities would have depended on factors such as
slope face, degree of slope, and soil characteristics. Louis Pammel, a
botanist and La Crosse native, described the expansion of upland forest
communities in the late 1800s:
During the past thirty· years some important changes have
taken place in the growth of timber along the river. The
pioneer settler found little timber on the hills, except
those with a northern slope. The timber standing on the
sunny side was usually of poor quality, owing to numerous
fires. Now, these lands are mostlY fenced and fires are
44

kept out, at least by the more enterprising farmers. The
bleak hills are being rapidly covered with a forest growth.
(Pammel 1899:82)
The distinctive landforms of the La Crosse region would have been
fairly constant factors in determining past vegetation, compared to
more variable factors such as temperature and the amount and seasonal
distribution of precipitation. For example, the potential for vegeta-
tion growth on the sandy terraces would have been limited by the sandy,
droughty nature of the soils, no matter what the climatic regime.
Upland vegetation communities probably would have been the most
stronglY affected by climatic changes; the proportions and distribu-
tions of forest, oak openings, and prairies in the uplands might have
varied considerably. Changes in either. temperature or precipitation
patterns also might have affected agricultural crops, altering the
length or character of the growing season.
Fauna. Native faunal communities also would have corresponded
closely with topography, although they might have varied somewhat with
changing climatic conditions. Aquatic and wetland environments would
have supported fish, turtles, naiads, riparian mammals, and migratory
waterfowl. The lowland forests would have supported many other bird
and mammal species. The terraces would have furnished prairie and oak
savanna habitats for numerous birds and mammals, including elk and
possibly bison, while the mixed forests and openings of the slopes and
45

nesting in the summer. The distribution and availability of some
mammals would have been affected by their changing habits and habitat
preferences throughout the year. White-tailed deer, for example,
prefer different habitats during different seasons, while some other
mammals hibernate or become less active during the cold season (see
Appendix A).
The availability of plant resources also would have varied greatly
throughout the year. Yarnell (1964:49-73) listed plant foods for the
Upper Great Lakes according to their seasons of availability. The
cycle of plant use is summarized as follows: maple sap in early
spring; tubers in late spring; greens from late spring into early.
summer; berries from summer through early autumn; wild rice in late
summer; nuts in autumn; and tubers in late autumn (Yarnell 1964:79).
This summary applies well to the Driftless Area, although wild rice
might have been less important there than farther to the north. In
addition, because agriculture was an important food resource in the
region, cultivated plants (especially corn, beans, and squash) should
be added as a late summer or early fall resource.
Economic zones. The distribution of non-domesticated food
resources formed the basis in an earlier paper for the definition of
six economic zones in the La Crosse region (Gallagher and Stevenson
1982); the same zones are used in this study. To define the zones,
related biotic communities were grouped together to emphasize their
economic value to human groups. To provide the most accurate picture
47

possible of an environment in which factors such as precipitation and
temperature undoubtedly varied through time, the zones were tied pri­
marily to the most constant factors of the environment, such as soils
and landforms. For example, the mixed upland zone was defined as a
mosaic of forest, prairie, and oak opening communities. Although the
precise composition and distribution of the individual communities
within this mosaic probably varied through time, the human-economic
potential of the zone probably remained roughly the same.
Interpretations of all the economic zones should be refined as more
information becomes available on environmental changes in the region.
The six economic zones (Figure 4) identified were: open water;
wet bottomlands; dry bottomlands; oak savanna; sandy prairie; and mixed
uplands (Gallagher and Stevenson 1982:19). To formulate the zones,
information on vegetation was obtained primarily from Curtis (1959),
Hansen (1939), Hartley (1957, 1960, 1966), and Swanson and Sohmer
(1978). The pre-contact distribution of plant communities was also
extrapolated from Beatty (1960), Finley (1976), Government Land Office
survey notes and maps (A. Brown 1849), and maps of the pre-lock and dam
environment (Mississippi River Commission 1894; U. S. Army Corps of
Engineers 1936). Primary sources on faunal associations included
Hazard (1982) and Jackson (1961). Additional information on species
habits and habitats is provided in Appendix A.
The Open Water zone includes areas covered by standing or flowing
water for most of the year--primarily rivers, floodplain lakes, chan-
48

erries, fruits, and seeds in the summer, and some nuts (especially
acorns) in the fall.
The Sandy Prairie zone incorporates the remainder of the major
terraces. Vegetation in this zone would have consisted mainly of
grasses (e.g., bluestem, needlegrass) and forbs. Faunal species would
have included some birds and open-ground small mammals, and possibly
bison--although the latter would have been present in small numbers, if
at all. Plant resources would have been available during the warm
season, While faunal species would have been present throughout the
year; both would have been less abundantn than in the floodplain
zones.
The Mixed Upland zone consists of a mosaic of vegetation commun­
ities covering the slopes, ravines, and blufftops. Oak-hickory forests
would have been common, especially on wooded slopes, while oak open­
ings, small xeric or "goat" prairies, and scattered cedar and juniper
would have been present on exposed slopes and blufftops. Shrubs would
have been common in the forests and openings; grasses would have been
predominant in the xeric prairies, and abundant in the oak openings.
Plant resources would have included a wide variety of nuts, berries,
and fruits. Animal species would have consisted of many birds and
small mammals, and forest and forest-edge species of larger mammals
such as deer. Plant resources in the mixed upland would have been
widely available during the warm season--spring greens or shoots,
summer fruits and berries, and nuts (especially hickory) in the fall.
Although the habits of some animals might have varied between the warm
51

and cold seasons, many species would have been obtainable throughout
the year.
Agricultural soils. Agricultural soils would have formed another
important resource in the region. Some of the most productive soils
would have been those of the floodplains. Although many of these fer­
tile soils were inadequately drained, they could have been farmed using
techniques such as ridged fields. The sandy terrace soils would have
been somewhat drought-prone and lower in fertility, but could have been
worked much more easily.
Non-food resources. The distribution of other non-food resources
would have been of great importance in prehistoric adaptations-to the
area. Access to water for consumption and transportation would have
been an important factor in settlement locations. Water for consump­
tion would have been readily available at springs and larger rivers
throughout the region all year, although some of the smallest streams
might have gone dry toward the end of the summer. The larger streams
and rivers also would have provided transportation routes for canoe
travel--extremely important because of the rugged terrain--during the
warm season.
Lithic raw materials would have been available throughout the
region (Withrow 1983; Withrow and Morrow 1981). South of the La Crosse
River, Prairie du Chien Formation cherts of varying quality were
present in outcrops in the dolomite bedrock. Farther to the north,
where the dolomite has eroded away, orthoquartzite or silicified sand-
52

stone' would have been more abundant. Orthoquartzite, best known from
the well-cemented material found at the Silver Mound quarry in Jackson
County, also could have been obtained from local outcrops of more
loosely cemented material north of La Crosse. Stream gravels might
have produced other types of cherts and the igneous and metamorphic
rocks often used for making ground stone implements.
Clay for making pottery would have been present throughout the
region in residual, colluvial, and alluvial deposits in the uplands,
terraces and benches, and floodplain (Weeth and Neff 1981).
Other resources such as specialized lithic raw materials, copper,
galena, and catlinite would have been available only from other
regions, but presumably could have been obtained either by trade or by
procurement expeditions. Bison scapulae for hoes could also have been
obtained by these means if they were not available locally.
2.4 Oneota Manifestations in the La Crosse Region
The La Crosse, Wisconsin region was the focus of an intensive
Oneota occupation in late prehistoric times, centered on the major
river terraces (Figures 2, 3). This section briefly summarizes the
present state of knowledge about this occupation, and the research that
contributed to it. More detailed information about the region and
about the 85 Oneota sites discovered so far is presented in earlier
reports (Stevenson 1983, 1984).
53

2.4.1 Research Background
Oneota manifestations have been studied in several areas not far
from La Crosse (Figure 1). The portion of the Upper Iowa River Valley
that produced the type sites for the Orr Phase (M. Wedel 1959) is only
about 50 km southwest of La Crosse. The Red Wing locality, well known
for its Silvernale, Blue Earth, and other Upper Mississippian
materials, is about 130 km north along the Mississippi (Dobbs 1984;
Gibbon 1979; Hurley 1978). Middle Mississippian influence is also
visible in some of the Red Wing materials; however, the only evidence
of a Middle Mississippian presence in the La Crosse area is a platform
mound site of uncertain affiliation in Trempealeau (Squier 1905;
Stevenson, Green, and Speth 1983). The Blue Earth Oneota locality is·
located about 225 km to the west of La Crosse (Dobbs 1984; Dobbs and
Shane 1982; Gibbon 1983).
Except for early excavations by local residents (C. Brown n.d.;
E. Brown 1879; Sanford 1914), the first stUdY of Oneota sites in the
La Crosse region was by Will C. McKern of the Milwaukee Public Museum.
McKern conducted excavations at the Midway Village Site in La Crosse
County (McKern 1931, 1945), the Shrake-Gillies Site in Trempealeau
County (McKern 1945), and the White Camp II Site in Vernon County
(McKern 1931).
The materials from these excavations (particularly Midway) became
quite widely known, but no further Oneota research was conducted in the
area until the early "960s, when the State Historical Society began
54

surveying the proposed corridor of the I-90/94 interstate highwaY
system. Several Oneota sites were discovered near the mouth of the
La Crosse River terrace during these surveys. Extensive surveys by the
State Historical Society were also conducted for 15 years in the
Kickapoo River Valley, 60 km southeast of La Crosse (Mead 1983).
InterestinglY, none of the 369 archaeological sites found in the
Kickapoo surveys had an Oneota component, although one did produce a
Middle Mississippian vessel.
Other research projects conducted during the 1960s and 1970s also
provided information on Oneota sites. Brief excavations were conducted
at the Midway (Gibbon 1966, 1970) and Overhead (Stoltman 1973) sites.
Oneota components were also discovered in test excavations at the
GUllickson's Glen and Silver Mound rockshelters in Jackson County; the
results of these excavations have not been published (see Stevenson
1984:4).
More recently, surveys undertaken by the Wisconsin State Highway
Archaeologist have resulted in the discovery of numerous Oneota sites.
These have included the Great River Road surveys along the eastern side
of the Mississippi (Penman 1980, 1981, 1983, 1984), as well as surveys
of various small project areas (Penman 1979; Penman and Stone 1980).
Since 1978, the Mississippi Valley Archaeology Center and
University of Wisconsin-La Crosse have conducted intensive research on
Oneota sites in the region. Small-scale excavations were conducted at
the Valley View Site (47Lc34) in 1978 (Gallagher, Stevenson, and Theler
55

1979), followed by more intensive excavations in 1979, which are
described in Chapter 3 (see also Gallagher and Stevenson 1980; Withrow
1983). The Jim Braun Site (47Lc59), an Oneota site with a Woodland
component, was excavated before its destruction in 1980 (Stevenson,
Boszhardt, and Gallagher 1983; analysis still in progress). Portions
of the Overhead Site (47Lc20) were also reexamined in 1980 (Gallagher
et al. 1981) and 1983 (Sasso 1984). Large portions of the Pammel Creek
Site (47Lc61), a habitation site adjacent to the Overhead Site, were
excavated in 1983 (Boszhardt, Theler, and Gallagher 1984), after its
discovery during a cultural resource management Phase I project (Hays
et al. 1981). Excavations were also conducted at the Midway Site in
1984, in advance of quarrying (analysis in progress), and are scheduled
for 1985.
Test excavations were conducted in 1981 at the QuaIl Site
rockshelter, which has both Woodland and Oneota components (Gallagher,
Rodell, and Stevenson 1982; more detailed reanalysis in progress).
Also tested was·the Olson Site, part of a complex of Oneota habitations
overlooking the Mississippi floodplain north of La Crosse (Gallagher,
Rodell, and Stevenson 1982; Sasso 1983b; Boszhardt, Sasso, and
Gallagher 1984). The Dahl Site (47Lc176) was a cemetery tested in 1982
and excavated in 1983. When the site was tested, it was initiallY
interpreted as an Archaic cemetery, based on one projectile point found
near a burial. The later excavations indicated that it was probably
56

Oneota, and was perhaps associated with Valley View (Boszhardt and
Gallagher 1982; additional analysis in progress).
Intensive research has been carried out qn the Oneota ridged agri­
cultural fields at the Sand Lake Site (47Lc44), first discovered during
surveys (Gallagher 1980) and subsequently tested in 1982 and 1984
(Boszhardt 1983a, 1983b; Boszhardt, Bailey, and Gallagher 1985;
Boszhardt et al. 1984; Gallagher et al. 1985). Probable ridged fields
were also discovered at the State Road Coulee Site (47Lc176), tested in
1983 and 1984 (Boszhardt and Gallagher 1983; Boszhardt et al. 1984).
In addition to the excavations, extensive surveys have recently
been carried out in the region. Much of this surveying has been non­
systematic, focusing on prime development areas around the city
(Gallagher 1980; Gallagher, Rodell, and Stevenson 1982; Stevenson
1983). However,'systematic surveys in the Coon Creek watershed have
been in progress under the direction of Robert Sasso since 1983, and
were initiated in the Root River watershed in 1984 under the direction
of Randall Withrow (Withrow and Rodell 1985).
2.4.2 Current Information
The recent research in the region has substantially increased
knowledge about Oneota artifact types, settlement patterns, subsistence
practices, chronology, and regional relationships.
Ceramics. Studies of the ceramic assemblages from excavated sites
in the La Crosse region have revealed two basic groups of materials.
57

First, some sites produce ceramics that fit the general type Allamakee
Trailed, best known from Orr Phase sites in northeastern Iowa (Gibbon
1970; Henning 1961; Stoltman 1973; M. Wedel 1959). These ceramics
display the following characteristics: (1) rim decorations primarily
on the lip top; (2) common strap handles, usually attached below the
lip; (3) shoulder decorations composed of geometric arrangements of
straight-line trails and some punctates; and (4) the use of punctates
to fill zones rather than to form single-row borders.
Second, some sites produce ceramics that correspond to the provi­
sional type Perrot Punctate (Hall 1962:133-134, 175-177), described as
an apparent Wisconsin variant of Blue Earth ceramics found in southern
Minnesota (Dobbs 1984; Gibbon 1983). Perrot Punctate ceramics have the
following characteristics: (1) interior rim decorations; (2) strap and
loop handles attached at, rather than below, the lip; (3) more common
use of curvilinear designs; and (4) the use of punctates in single
rows, usually bordering blocks of parallel tool trails.
The cultural relationships reflected in the La Crosse area cera­
mics are not yet clear (Stevenson, Boszhardt, and Gallagher 1983;
Stevenson and Sasso 1983). Some sites have produced fairly homogeneous
assemblages of pottery corresponding to either one type or the other;
however, even at these sites there are subtle differences between these
ceramics and those from the Orr and Blue Earth type sites (for example,
in the proportions and combinations of decorative motifs). Other sites
have produced more heterogeneous assemblages, including ceramics of
58

oth groups. It is not yet clear whether the heterogeneous assemblages
are the result of site reoccupation, or co-occurrence of the two
different types in the same occupation. Analysis of attributes and,
more importantly, combinations of attributes, will help to clarify the
chronological and cultural relationships of the La Crosse area cera­
mics.
Lithics. Most of the lithic tools found at the La Crosse area
sites are types common throughout the tradition, including unnotched
triangular projectile points, endscrapers (particularly the "thumbnail"
variety), sandstone abraders, and round manos. Because they are so
similar throughout the tradition, these tools are of far less value
than ceramics in studying cultural relationships.
Lithic raw materials, on the other hand, do seem to show distinc­
tive patterns of selection and use in the region (e.g, Withrow 1983).
For example, some of the La Crosse area Oneota sites produce higher
proportions of local and southern cherts, while others produce higher
proportions of Hixton silicified sandstone (orthoquartzite) and a grey
chert known from the Grand Meadow quarry site in Minnesota (Trow 1981;
Withrow 1983). These differences in raw material assemblages appear to
parallel differences in ceramics, with more Orr-like assemblages
associated with local and southern cherts, and Blue Earth-like ceramics
associated more with northern and western raw materials.
Other artifacts. Additional promising sources of information are
bone and antler tools and various exotic materials. Besides the well-
59

known Oneota bison scapula hoes, many other types of modified bone and
antler are found in the region, including awls and perforators,
pendants, bird bone tubes, rasps, broken and worn deer mandibles
("sickles" or "corn shellers"), worked beaver incisors, and socketed
bone and antler projectile points. Exotic materials include catlinite,
copper, galena, and occasional marine shell beads. All of these arti-
,
facts need to be studied to determine their spatial and temporal dis-
tribution and possible functions.
Site types and settlement patterns. So far, surveys in the
La Crosse region have not provided a representative sample of site
types or locations, primarily because of their emphasis on the major
river terraces. Large portions of the region have received little or
no survey coverage. Consequently, information on settlement patterns
is inadequate, and greatly in need of clarification through further
systematic surveying.
Several site types have been identified, however. Best known
are the large village sites, which are found primarily along the edge
of the Mississippi terraces, or at the mouths of tributary valleys.
Other smaller sites are recorded, including several rockshelters,
numerous small open-air sites that probably include short-term camps
and resource extraction stations, several mortuary sites (cemeteries
and one mound), and at least two agricultural sites.
Excavations and detailed analyses have focused primarilY on the
large village sites. These sites have produced large assemblages of
artifacts and organic remains and numerous features, including mid-
60

dens, storage pits, and other pit features. Despite this emphasis on
village sites, there is little information on structures.
Subsistence. Evidence of a mixed economy was described in early
reports on the La Crosse region by McKern (1945). Since that time,
knowledge about local Oneota subsistence practices has increased tre­
mendously, largely because of the emphasis in recent research on agri­
culture (Gallagher et al. 1985, Sasso 1983a), the analysis of organic
remains, and economic and ecological factors in site location
(Gallagher and Stevenson 1982).
Agriculture is documented by the presence of agricultural plant
remains, especiallY corn, at almost all of the excavated sites. In
addition, ridged .fields have been identified in a poorly drained
setting at the Sand Lake Site, and tentativelY identified in a similar
setting at the State Road Coulee Site. Scapula hoes, usually made from
bison scapulae, and occasionally from elk scapulae, occur at village
sites, as do bell-shaped storage pits.
Wild plant remains from excavated sites document both upland and
wetland resource collection. Typical wild plant remains are nutshell
(especially hickory), and seeds from fruits, berries, or weedy plants.
Wild rice has also been found at several sites, primarily those near
the Mississippi floodplain.
Faunal remains reveal the use of a wide range of species. Wetland
fauna include numerous species of fish, waterfowl, naiads, and mammals
(especially beaver and muskrat). Terrace and upland species include
61

large mammals (elk, deer, bear), and some small mammals and birds.
Bison are usually represented only by scapulae, which may have been
traded or brought from other regions. Dog remains are also common, and
often show signs of butchering.
Chronology. Twenty-one radiocarbon dates are currently available
for Oneota sites in the La Crosse region. Calibrated, the dates
cluster primarily in the fifteenth century. The distribution and
calibration of these dates are discussed in more detail in Section
3.3·10.
Regional relationships. Until recently, most Oneota sites in the
La Crosse region were assigned to the Orr Phase of northeastern Iowa
(M. Wedel 1959). This association was made because the pottery was
similar to Allamakee Trailed--although somewhat different from that
found in northeastern Iowa (e.g., Gibbon 1970; McKern 1945; Stoltman
1973; M. Wedel 1959). One exception was the Shrake-Gillies Site in
Trempealeau County, which was initially classified as Orr (McKern
1945), but later reclassified as Blue Earth (Hall 1962; M. Wedel 1959).
The pottery from Shrake-Gillies fits within Hall's (1962) provisional
type Perrot Punctate, described as a Wisconsin variant of Blue Earth.
More recent excavations have recovered predominantly Orr-like
Allamakee Trailed ceramics from some sites (e.g., State Road Coulee,
Valley View), predominantly Blue Earth-like ceramics from others (e.g.,
Jim Braun, Olson, QuaIl), and mixed assemblages from still others
(e.g., Midway, Overhead, Pammel Creek, portions of Sand Lake). The
62

differences in ceramics seem to parallel other differences, such as in
lithic raw material use and site location. The Blue Earth-like cera­
mics are not yet adequately dated; however, two dates on sites with
predominantlY Perrot Punctate ceramics fall in the fourteenth century,
earlier than the major cluster of dates (see Section 3.3.10).
Initially, the La Crosse region appeared to be a fringe area, with
Oneota manifestations that were offshoots of developments in the Orr
and Blue Earth "heartlands" of Iowa and Minnesota. It now appears,
however, that the La Crosse region has its own Oneota regional
sequence, more complex than originally assumed. This development,
although undoubtedly related to those in nearby regions, may represent
a distinctive adaptation to the Driftless Area environment.
2.4.3 Primary· Research Needs
The dense concentration of Oneota sites in the La Crosse region
provides almost unlimited directions for further research. Certain
research topics and approaches, however, are especially important for
understanding the occupation of the region: (1) clarification of the
Oneota portion of the regional sequence, including both chronology and
regional relationships; (2) clarification of subsistence practices;
(3) analysis of settlement patterns; (4) analysis of social systems;
and (5) development and refinement of a regional research framework
(see Stevenson 1984:15-20).
63

Regional sequence. The Oneota occupation of the La Crosse region
seems to have been of fairly short duration. Nevertheless, as
described in Section 2.4.2, it displays relationships to two nearby
regional manifestations (Orr and Blue Earth).
When more information becomes available, the Oneota regional
sequence should be divisible into at least two subphases. The defini­
tion of these subphases will depend on clarification of the relation­
ship between the Orr-like and Blue Earth-like materials. Clarifying
this relationship, in turn, will require at least three types of inves­
tigation: obtaining additional radiocarbon dates, especially of the
Blue Earth-like sites; determining which sites were reoccupied, and
over what periods of time; and determining whether the Orr-like and
Blue Earth-like materials co-occur in the same occupations, or are pre­
sent in separate occupations of the same sites. EspeciallY helpful in
these analyses will be further ceramic studies, particularly of com­
binations of attributes and how they might have changed through time,
and analysis of lithic raw materials and other sources of information
on regional relationships.
Subsistence. The La Crosse occupation represents an inadequately
studied Oneota adaptation to the distinctive environment of the
Driftless Area. A wide range of subsistence-related remains are
available for study, including plant and animal remains, features, and
agricultural fields. Among the most important directions for research
on this topic are (1) detailed analysis of large samples of excavated
64

plant and animal remains; (2) comparisons of subsistence remains from
different sites; and (3) determination of the underlying subsistence
strategies of Oneota groups in the region, including how they might
have changed through time and how they were related to social and
settlement strategies.
Settlement patterns. A large number of Oneota sites are recorded
in the La Crosse region, including villages, rockshelters, small open­
air sites, and mortuary sites. Nevertheless, they constitute a non­
representative sample, primarily because of survey biases. Excavation
data are also non-representative, because of the primary focus on
village sites. Important directions for the study of settlement
patterns in the region are (1) expanded systematic surveys; (2) exam­
ination and comparison of different site types and site locations; (3)
examination of individual settlement plans; and (4) interpretation of
underlying settlement strategies, and their relationships to social and
settlement strategies.
Social systems. Social systems constitute perhaps the most poorly
understood topic of Oneota research in the region. Additional research
is needed on (1) the social implications of the chronological and
regional relationships evident in material remains; (2) the demographic
composition of different settlement types; and (3) the overall level
and nature of social organization represented.
Regional research frameworks. The research topics described in
this section are usually approached through very different kinds of
65

analyses. Nevertheless, these topics are clearly interrelated. In
fact, understanding these interrelationships may be one of the most
important keys to understanding the Oneota occupation of the region.
Integration of the various methods of analysis into a regional research
framework is therefore another important need.
As discussed in Sections 2.1.5 and 2.2.4, regional studies are
extremely useful in Oneota research, because they can reveal local or
regional sequences that can then be compared, to examine developments
on a larger scale. They can also be used to examine adaptations to
different environments, probablY an important factor in the distribu­
tion of and variation between Oneota cultures.
The following Valley View analysis provides detailed information
on subsistence strategies, and related aspects of settlement and social
strategies, at a single site. This information, supplemented by data
from other sites in the region, will help provide a foundation for
development of a research framework for the region.
66

CHAPTER 3. THE VALLEY VIEW SITE
The data for this study come from the 1979 excavations at the
Valley View Site (47Lc34) in La Crosse County, Wisconsin (Medary
Township, T.16N, R.7W, Section 15). Valley View is a small, palisaded
village site on a terrace overlooking the La Crosse River, near its
entrance into the Mississippi trench. Most of the site has been
destroyed by construction, but a portion of it is currently preserved.
The site is distinctive because of its setting, its high density of
features and artifacts, and its good preservation of organic remains.
This chapter describes the site itself, the research conducted there,
and the resulting information.
3.1 Background
When the Valley View Site was under CUltivation, the abundance of
artifacts on the surface made it a favorite of local artifact collec­
tors, although artifacts were also collected from over the entire
terrace. The site was not known to professional archaeologists,
however, until the spring of 1978, when Dr. James P. Gallagher of the
University of Wisconsin-La Crosse walked over an area that had been
graded in preparation for construction of the Valley View Mall. He
found the site covered with artifacts, well-preserved organic remains,
and dark feature stains.
67

At that point, grading had removed only the topsoil (in effect,
most of the plow zone). Construction was imminent, so Gallagher and
volunteers from the U.W.-La Crosse archaeology program conducted
weekend emergency excavations throughout the spring. Delays in the
development plans then postponed the construction deadline for a year,
and the developers gave permission for large-scale excavations to be
conducted in the summer of 1979. Most of the site was scheduled to be
destroyed by construction of the shopping center parking lot. Although
it was too late to modify their plans, the developers volunteered funds
to aid excavation and analysis, and offered to preserve the remainder
of the site.
3.1.1 1978 Excavations
The brief 1978 excavations (Figure 5) uncovered numerous pit
features, some possible post molds, and an apparent palisade stain
encircling the site. The artifacts appeared to be primarily Orr Phase
Oneota; however, several Woodland artifacts were found, as was a glass
trade bead. The Woodland materials appeared to be from a minor earlier
component. The presence of the trade bead raised the possibility that
the Oneota component was historic, as are many of the Orr Phase sites
in Iowa (M. Wedel 1959). Faunal remains from the site were well
preserved, and included wetland, terrace, and upland species. Floral
remains were abundant, and contained cUltigens, nuts, and numerous
68

charred seeds. Results of the 1978 excavations were summarized by
Gallagher (1979) and Gallagher, stevenson, and Theler (1979).
3.1.2 1979 Excavations
.The more extensive 1979 excavations focused on the portion of the
site scheduled to be destroyed--roughly the northwestern two-thirds
(Figure 5). The primary research topics were (1) the nature of the
subsistence activities represented at the site; (2) the settlement
plan, including the distribution of features and structures, and their
relationships.to the apparent palisade; and (3) the occupation history
of the site, including evaluation of any Woodland and historic com­
ponents (Gallagher and Stevenson 1980).
The 1979 field season included an eight-week U. W.-La Crosse
archaeology field school, and an additional three weeks of excavations
by volunteers. During both phases of the project, large portions of
the site were stripped of disturbed surface material by hand
excavation. The exposed features were mapped, and many were sampled.
At the end of the field season, the bulldozer operator on the
construction project offered to clear the remaining areas to be
destroyed. After he did so, three days were spent defining and mapping
the numerous newly exposed features, and quickly sampling a small
number of them. A total of 233 features were exposed during the 1979
season, of which 94 were excavated or sampled (Figure 6).
69

narrow ridge tops, and steeply sloping valleys that form dendritic
drainages.
Soils. The soil on which the site is located is Meridian sandy
loam, a Mollie Hapludalf that is moderately deep and well drained, and
probably formed under oak savanna vegetation (Beatty 1960; Hole 1976).
This sandy soil has a moderately low crop yield, primarily because it
is droughty during dry years or when precipitation is not well distri­
buted through the growing season. It is also somewhat prone to wind
erosion. Nearby portions of the terrace have similarly sandy soils-­
Waukegan silt loam (a Typic Hapludoll formed under prairie), Gotham
loamy sand (a Psammentic Hapludalf formed under open savanna), Plain­
field loamy fine sand (a Typic Udipsamment formed under oak savanna),
and Dakota sandy loam (a Typic Argiudoll formed under prairie with
occasional oaks). These soils are all somewhat droughty and prone to
erosion (Beatty 1960; Hole 1976).
Various soil types are present in the floodplain below the site.
The most extensive areas consist of moderately well drained alluvial
land to the east of the site, and Arenzville silt loam to the south
(Beatty 1960). The alluvial land is slightly wet,and floods period­
ically; it is considered arable, however, because the flooding is
brief. Arenzville silt loam is a productive floodplain or bottomland
Typic Udifluvent, usually formed after settlement over a buried black
presettlement soil (Hole 1976). It was typically formed under lowland
71

hardwood vegetation. Arenzville soils flood every year or two, but may.
produce high crop yields. Interestingly, this is the same soil type in
which the Oneota ridged fields were constructed at the Sand Lake Site,
north of La Crosse. The area of Arenzville soil in the La Crosse
floodplain south of Valley View is several times that at Sand Lake.
Within the Arenzville soil, there is also a large pocket of Orion silt
loam, a somewhat poorly drained but highly productive Aquic Udifluvent
that formed under oak savanna or swamp hardwoods. Many of these fer­
tile soils in the La Crosse floodplain were apparently under cultiva­
tion in the late 1800s (e.g., Strong 1882). Areas of marsh, muck, or
poorly drained alluvial soil are common in nearby portions of the
floodplain, including thosealong the old channel of the La Crosse River
to the northeast of the site.
Vegetation. In prehistoric times, the La Crosse terraces would
have been covered primarilY by prairie grasses, including bluestem
(Andropogon sp.) and needlegrass (Stipa sp.), and various composites.
Portions of the terraces would have had oak savanna communities. The
floodplain below the site would have contained wet prairies or marshes,
sedge meadows, tamarack swamp, and floodplain alluvial forests with
willows (Salix sp.) in wetter areas (A. Brown 1847) and various species
(e.g., Carya ovata, Quercus spp., Juglans nigra, Ulmus spp.) in drier
areas. The terrace escarpments probably would have been wooded or
brushy. The uplands near the site would have supported a mosaic of
mixed deciduous forest, small prairie, and oak savanna communities
72

(Curtis 1959; Hartley 1960, 1966; Pammel 1907; Swanson and Sohmer
1978).
Fauna. Animals present in the floodplain would have included
aquatic forms such as fish and naiads, wetland and marsh forms
(riparian mammals, waterfowl, turtles), and floodplain forest species
(squirrels, numerous birds, some larger mammals). The terraces and
uplands would have provided habitat for numerous birds, prairie and
forest-edge grazers and browsers (deer, elk, possibly bison), forest or
forest-edge carnivores (bear, fox), and numerous small mammals. The
site itself could have been occupied by burrowing rodents and other
small mammals.
Archaeological sites.
La Crosse River terraces.
73
Archaeological sites are common along the
Many sites were discovered in surveys con-
ducted in the 1960s before construction of the I-90 Interstate highway
along the terrace, and'in more recent surveys of prime development
locations around the mouth of the valley (e.g., Gallagher 1980;
Gallagher, Rodell, and Stevenson 1982; Stevenson 1983). Numerous sites
in this locality have Oneota components (Figure 3); most appear from
surface collections or test excavations to be campsites, artifact
scatters, or other light-density occupation sites (Stevenson 1984).
One nearby site of special interest is the Dahl Site (47Lc158), a
cemetery located on the terrace to the west of Valley View. This site
was initially thought to be a possible Archaic cemetery (based on the

presence of one Archaic-like point found with a burial), with a
scattering of later materials on the surface (Boszhardt and Gallagher
1982). More extensive excavations later uncovered more burials, none
of which had any associated grave offerings. However, more Oneota
material was found, including several features at the top of the knoll
on which the cemetery lay. It is possible, therefore, that the Dahl
Site was in fact an Oneota cemetery, perhaps even associated with the
Valley View Site.
Extensive portions of the terrace were developed before there was
an active archaeological program at La Crosse. Information from
artifact collectors and other area residents indicates that there were
many other sites in these areas, including several just to the west of
Valley View. Remaining archaeological sites are now endangered by
increased development since construction of the shopping center at
Valley View.
The floodplain and uplands near the site have received relatively
little attention in archaeological surveys. Rockshelter sites have
been found in some of the bluff sides, and habitation sites are
reported from some of the smaller valleys nearby. Mounds are probably
present on at least some of the ridge tops overlooking the La Crosse
Valley, but none has yet been reported.
74

3.1.4 Historic Accounts
In general, there are relatively few accounts of the La Crosse
area by early explorers or traders. There are three nineteenth-century
maps, however, that are of particular interest for the Valley View
Site.
The first is a map drawn by Joseph Nicollet in October of 1839,
which was first published four years after the Valley View excavations
(Wood 1983:Plate 20H). During a journey down the Mississippi, Nicollet
traveled several miles up the La Crosse River, and drew a relatively
detailed map of the La Crosse Valley. On his map he noted an "aban­
doned Indian village" at the location of Valley View. He also noted
that there were traces or remains of Indian cultivation to the west,
and remains of Indian villages and fields about a mile and a half to
the east. UnfortunatelY, the journal that accompanied the maps for
this portion of Nicollet's explorations has been lost (Wood 1983).
The area was mapped by Government Land Office surveyors in the
late fall and early winter of 1846, but they made no mention of any
prehistoric remains in the area. Interestingly, they did note a
tamarack swamp in the floodplain near the site (A. Brown 1847).
Another significant map was discovered after the site analysis was
completed. T. H. Lewis surveyed earthworks in the Upper Midwest during
the late nineteenth century, and his maps and notes are on file at the
Minnesota Historical Society (Lewis n.d.). His records from Minnesota
75

were compiled and published arter the turn or the century (Winchell
1911); however, his records ror Wisconsin never have been systemati­
cally investigated. Lewis's maps ror the La Crosse region were
obtained in the spring or 1985, and produced inrormation on several
sites. Included in the manuscripts were a map, measurements, and a
description or the Valley View Site in July or 1885, where Lewis had
round an enclosure under cUltivation. Since the site analysis had
already been completed, Lewis's inrormation was used to clariry and
conrirm some or the interpretations made about the site rrom the
archaeological evidence. His map and notes will be discussed in more
detail in later chapters.
3.2 Excavation and Laboratory Methods
The excavation and laboratory methods ror the 1979 Valley View
project were designed to provide inrormation that could be applied to
studying the major research topics described in Section 3.1.2. Because
or this emphasis, considerable errort was devoted to the collection or
organic remains and inrormation on feature types and settlement plan.
3.2.1 Excavations
During the 1979 season, large portions of the site were exposed by
skim-shoveling the plow zone from 5 x 5 ft units, using a grid system
established in 1978. All of the plow zone was screened through 14-inch
hardware mesh. Unless features or other important remains were
76

observed, excavation was usually halted at the base of the plow zone.
However, several stratigraphic units were excavated well into the
ster.ile subsoil to obtain information on soil structure and
development.
All suspected postmolds were cross-sectioned. Features and other
stains observed beneath the plow zone were mapped; a large number were
sampled, and a few were completely excavated. Because the excavation
was rushed, the strategy for sampling features was designed to provide
a maximum of information on horizontal and vertical shape, contents,
and internal stratigraphy, with a minimum of excavation. In some
features, one quarter or one half (usually depending on the size of the
feature) was removed as a single unit, and processed by waterscreening·
through stacked 114-inch, 1/B-inch, and 1/16-inch screens. The resulting
profile was then recorded, and used to guide either further excavation
or removal of flotation samples from each observed zone of the fill.
For most features, a similar strategy was followed,except that the
initial excavation consisted of a cross-section trench across the
length or width of the feature.
Two portions of the site required special excavation strategies.
First, the suspected palisade stains on the northern edge of the site
were very poorly defined on the surface. Long, narrow cross-section
trenches were excavated across these stains to verify the presence and
determine the locations of the palisades. Second, a large charcoal
77

Lithics were sorted and analyzed using classification systems
designed by James Gallagher (Gallagher, Rodell, and Stevenson 1982),
and Randall Withrow (Withrow 1983). Withrow also analyzed raw material
use for a large sample of tools and debitage from the site (Withrow
1983).
Ceramics were reconstructed when possible, and brief descriptions
were recorded. All but the plow zone ceramics were summarized in a
paper presented at the Conference on Western Oneota Ceramics held in
1983 in Red Wing, Minnesota (Stevenson, Boszhardt, and Gallagher 1983).
Faunal remains were sorted by class, and identifiable elements
were removed. Both reference books and comparative collections at the
U. W.-Madison and the U. W.-La Crosse were used in making identifica­
tions. Any identifications that were extremely likely, but not
certain, were designated "cf." Attributes such as burning, ingestion,
and butchering marks were recorded. All identifications except birds
were supervised and checked by James L. Theler; bird bones were iden­
tified by Janet M. Speth. Selected eggshell specimens were submitted
to Thomas Erdmann of the Richter Museum in Green Bay, where they are
undergoing analysis. Voucher specimens for identified naiads were sent
to D. H. Stansbery at the Ohio State University Museum of Zoology.
Non-wood floral remains were sorted and identified using 40x
microscopes with the assistance of Karene Motivans and Thomas Bailey.
References and comparative collections were used at the U. W.-
80

La Crosse, U. W.-Madison, and University of Minnesota-Duluth. Corn,
beans, squash, and nutshell were removed down to a #10 screen size, and
noted for smaller size grades, while both charred and modern seeds were
removed down to #40. L. Anthony Zalucha checked or identified many of
the charred seeds. In addition, selected charcoal samples and asso­
ciated floral remains are being analyzed by Zalucha as part of his
study of the Feature 43, 66, and 88 complex.
3.3 Results
Initial results of the 1979 excavations were briefly reported in
an earlier paper (Gallagher and Stevenson 1980). Since that time, more
detailed analyses of all artifact categories have been completed.
Because of the tremendous volume of material, it is possible to present
only a summary of the results here. The results will be presented in
the following order: lithics; ceramics; modified bone, antler, and
shell; historic artifacts; miscellaneous artifacts; organic remains;
the palisade; postmolds and structures; pit features; and dating.
3.3.1 Lithic Artifacts
The lithic assemblage from Valley View included 693 modified
chipped stone artifacts, 48 pecked or ground stone pieces, 92 cores or
fragments, and 42,120 pieces of debitage and shatter. A large sample
of this material was examined by Randall Withrow in a study of raw
material selection at the site (Withrow 1983). The remainder of this
81

section briefly summarizes the lithic assemblage, including materials
not included in Withrow's sample.
Chipped stone artifacts. Bifaces were the most common lithic
implements at the site•. They were described using reduction-sequence
qategories outlined by Withrow (1983:82-84). stage I bifaces are those
that exhibit little or no modification, such as quarry blanks.
Stage II bifaces have irregular margins resulting from initial edging;
they are generally thick or irregular in cross-section, with flake
scars usually extending less than halfway across each surface. Stage
III bifaces are more regular in shape and cross-section, a result of
bifa?ial thinning. Stage IV bifaces are those that have undergone
final shaping and edge modification.
Only eight Stage I bifaces were found at the site. Of these, four
were from a small cache unearthed by construction equipment to the
north of the main site area. Fifty-eight Stage II bifaces were found,
and were subdivided based on size into small tool blanks (25), and
other biface blanks (33)•.Stage III bifaces were more numerous (100
total), and were subdivided into projectile point preforms (60), small
tool blanks (19), and knife preforms (21). Sixty-two Stage IV bifaces
were found, consisting of 47 projectile points and 15 knives (Figure
8h). An additional 221 specimens were classified simply as miscella­
neous biface fragments (tips, mid-sections, or bases).
82

Of the finished (Stage IV) bifaces, the most abundant were the
unnotched triangular projectile points (Figure 8e-g) typical of Oneota
sites (42 total). In addition, there was an expanding-stemmed point
(Steuben or Durst), three corner-notched points (two of which were
Snyders-like), and one broken point with a possible contracting stem
(Figure 9a,b). The expanding-stemmed point, the broken point, and one
of the corner-notched points were found in disturbed surface soil.
Both of the Snyders-like points were found in miscellaneuus excava­
tions, one in a subsurface concentration of rodent-transported mater­
ial, and the other just below the plow zone. None of the non-Oneota
point types, therefore, was found in an undisturbed feature context.
A total of 39 scrapers were found at the site, of which 38 were
endscrapers, and one was a sidescraper. Most of the endscrapers were
the typical Oneota unifacial "snub-nose" form, with a narrow proximal
end and a steeply beveled edge on the distal end (Figure 8c,d). On six
of the specimens, the proximal end had been worked bifacially, some­
times forming a sharp point (Figure 8a,b).
There were also 39 lithic drills or perforators in the assemblage,
many of them broken (Figure 8i-l). These artifacts were distinguished
_by their long, pointed outlines and round or diamond-shaped cross­
sections.
83

Three artifacts were classified as unifaces. They exhibited
unifacial flaking, but no other distinctive morphological character­
istics.
A total of 163 artifacts were described as modified flakes of
three basic types: retouched (52), utilized (106), and notched (5).
Retouched flakes were those that had systematic flaking on one or more
edge. Utilized flakes had flakes removed along one or more edges,
without the patterned and consistent flake removal characteristic of
intentional retouch. The category of utilized flakes also included
specimens that were described as either utilized or edge-damaged. The
notched flakes exhibited an intentional notch, with patterned flake
scars, on at least one edge.
A total of 92 cores or fragments were found in the.assemblage.
Eighteen of these were bipolar cores, with the crushed "ends and flake
removal patterns characteristic of bipolar flaking. Within the
remaining cores were included s·ome specimens that Withrow identified as
checked or tested pieces.
Lithic waste was extremely abundant, comprising 41,880 pieces of
debitage and 240 pieces of shatter (also called chunks). Debitage was
distinguished by flaking features such as bulbs of percussion and
striking platforms; chunks had no such features. Eight-five percent of
the debitage was less than 2 em in size.
84

Lithic raw materials. Withrow's (1983) study of raw material use
focused on 45 features, primarily along the northern and western
margins of the site. The most abundant material was local Prairie du
Chien Formation chert, including both the oolitic and non-oolitic
varieties. This chert comprised 69.7% of the implements, and between
84% and 90%.of the debitage (depending on whether measured by mass or
count) •
The second most abundant material was Burlington-Keokuk chert,
which outcrops primarily in northeastern Missouri, southeastern Iowa,
and west-central Illinois (Withrow 1983:54-56). This chert type was
identified in 23.6% of the implements, and 4.9 - 9.4% of the debitage
(by mass vs. count). According to Withrow, the high proportion of
Burlington in the implements reflects its high representation in
"small, short-life utilitarian items" (Withrow 1983: 156) such as
utilized flakes and flake-blanks.
Other raw materials were present at the site in very low
proportions. Chert of the Galena Group, which occurs to the south, in
southwestern Wisconsin and northwestern Illinois, was found in 2.2% of
the implements and 1.4 - 2.1% of the debitage. Orthoquartzite, or
silicified sandstone, outcrops to the north of La Crosse and is best
known from the Silver Mound quarry in Jackson County. Orthoquartzite
comprised only 3.4% of the implements and 1.8 - 2.1% of the debitage.
85

other non-local materials were present in low proportions (1.1% of the
implements and

u. W.-La Crosse excavations; no other complete metates were found. Two
fragments of well-worn metates were discovered in features, as were
occasional mano fragments. One piece of smoothed stone had a geometric
design inscribed on one side. Twenty-four·sandstone abrader fragments
were also found (Fizure 9c).
The low numbers of pecked and ground stone artifacts may be due in
part to the relative scarcity of suitable raw materials in this region
of sedimentary bedrock. Lack of abundant raw materials might have made
curation of these artifacts more common. Ground stone artifacts were
much more common in recent excavations at the Midway Village Site; many
of these were made of orthoquartzite, and may parallel the greater
emphasis at Midway on the use of orthoquartzite for chipped stone arti­
facts.
3.3.2 Ceramic Artifacts
The 1979 excavations at Valley View produced a large assemblage of
shell-tempered ceramics, summarized briefly in several papers and
reports (Boszhardt et al. 1984; Stevenson, Boszhardt, and Gallagher
1983; Stevenson and Sasso 1983). This section reviews the most impor­
tant characteristics of these materials; more detailed descriptions are
planned for a separate report.
The 1979 excavation produced a total of 104 vessel portions and
30,330 individual sherds, 2271 of which were rims, handles, or
decorated body sherds. The remaining 28,059 were undecorated body
87

sQerds. Of the total, 15,001 sherds (including 1,437 rims, handles, or
decorated body sherds) were found in feature excavations or other sub­
surface contexts; the remaining 15,433 were found in the plow zone or
other disturbed contexts. Pottery was abundant throughout the entire
site, although certain features (e.g., Feature 44) had noticeable
concentrations.
Description. The following summary is derived from basic descrip­
tions and tabulations of the collection, which focused on the materials
from undisturbed contexts. Ceramics from the plow zone and other
disturbed contexts were described during cataloging, but were not tabu­
lated in detail.
Vessel shapes in the assemblage are fairly uniform, consisting
almost entirely of globular jars with constricted necks, flaring rims,
and rounded bases. Rim height and eversion are somewhat variable, but
many of the rims are high, and are rarely everted beyond a 45° angle.
Handles are common, and usually occur in pairs, one on each side of the
vessel. Vessel size varies greatly, with large vessels (up to 40 cm in
rim diameter) occurring commonly. Smaller vessels are also fairly
common (ca. 12-20 cm in rim diameter), and a few "miniature" vessels
(Figure 16) also occur (ca. 6-8 cm in rim diameter). The single fully
reconstructed vessel is large and slightly elliptical; .most of the
vessels, however, appear to be circular.
88

Rim decoration consists almost exclusively of either tool or
finger impressions on the top of the lip (93.6$ of the 266 rims from
undisturbed contexts). Interior rim impressions are quite rare (3.0$),
as are plain rims and exterior rim decorations (3.4$).
Almost all of the handles are straps (96.1$ of the 76 handles from
undisturbed contexts), and are usually broad and undecorated. When
handle decorations do occur, they are primarily vertical broad finger
trails (Figure 10) or narrower tool trails or, more rarely, ornate com­
binations of punctates or trails and punctates (Figure 11a-c). Loop
handles occur on some of the miniature vessels (Figure 16a,b) and on
one plow zone sherd (Figure 11d) from a larger vessel (decorated with
finger "notches").
Shoulder decorations consist of various combinations of straight
trailed lines and punctates. Widely spaced, vertical broad finger
trails are common, as are vertical or diagonal parallel tool trails
(Figures 15b and 16a,b). Many vessels or single sherds show blocks of
parallel trails intersecting at acute angles (Figure 12). Punctates
are common, although not abundant, and occur almost exclusively in
zones "bordered by parallel tool trails (Figures 14, 15). One vessel
has a design composed of "stab-and-drag" tool impressions (Figure 13).
Curvilinear lines, perpendicular intersecting trails, and punctate bor­
ders are absent.
89

Several atypical sherds were found in the assemblage. A few very
thick, flat body sherds suggest that another vessel type (perhaps a
flat dish) might have been present, but there were no diagnostic sherds
such as rims. One body sherd had a complex cross-hatched design
engraved on the fired surface. A number of small, eroded untempered
sherds were found, most of which appeared to be from miniature vessels,
but two of Which were from very small pipes. Finally, one tiny piece
of fired clay was found that appears to be either a very small lug or
the arm from a small figurine; a similar fragment was found in the 1978
excavations.
Comparison. The Valley View ceramic assemblage fits within the
general type Allamakee Trailed (Henning 1961; M. Wedel 1959), charac­
teristic of the Orr Phase of northeastern Iowa. However, there appear
to be some subtle and intriguing differences between the Valley View
ceramics and those from the Orr type sites in Iowa. The Valley View
assemblage, for example, displays (1) a more limited range of decora­
tions, (2) a higher proportion of plain handles, (3) less common or
less pronounced ellipticity, (4) an absence of vessels with four
handles, and (5) a greater emphasis on thicker tool and finger trails,
rather than very fine trails.
There is little resemblance between the Valley View assemblage and
Perrot Punctate ceramics, the western Wisconsin variant of Blue Earth·
(Dobbs 1984; Gibbon 1983; Hall 1962). Perrot Punctate ceramics tend to
90

have (1) more complex or ornate designs, (2) a much higher incidence of
interior rim decoration, and (3) different design elements such as
targets, curvilinear lines, and punctates used in single-row borders
rather than in blocks or zones.
As described in earlier papers (Stevenson 1984; Stevenson,
Boszhardt, and Gallagher 1983; Stevenson and Sasso 1983), the Oneota
manifestations around La Crosse show a puzzling mixture of Orr and
Blue Earth traits. The Sand Lake Site (47Lc44) has produced primarily
Allamakee Trailed pottery, although much of it is different from the
Valley View material. Some other sites, such as Olson (47Lc76) and Jim
Braun (47Lc59), show stronger similarities to Blue Earth in their
ceramics, which fit the type Perrot Punctate (1962:133-134, 175-177).
Other sites, such as Midway (47Lc19), Overhead (47Lc20), Pammel Creek
(47Lc61), and portions of Sand Lake, have produced mixed assemblages,
with examples of both ceramic complexes. The Valley ·View Site stands
out as the most homogeneous and Orr-like site yet discovered in the
region; nevertheless, the differences between the Valley View ceramics
and those from the better-known Iowa sites need to be studied, parti­
cularly through more detailed analysis of combinations of attributes.
3.3.3 Modified Bone, Antler, and Shell Artifacts
The 1979 excavations produced a total of 352 modified bone,
antler, and shell artifacts, 231 of which came from undisturbed
subsurface contexts. The remaining 121 were found in the plow zone or
91

on the surface. The artifact types within this assemblage are quite
interesting, and warrant additional study.
Antler artifacts. The most common antler artifacts were curved
sections of cut and polished antler termed "hoop" fragments (Figure
1ge-g). These sections varied in width and thickness, but all were
rough and porous on the inner surface, and heavily smoothed or polished
on the outer surface. Similar artifacts (called bone "rings") from the
Mobridge Site in South Dakota were described in detail by Baerreis and
Dallman (1961:325-326).
Seven socketed projectile points made of antler were found; these
consisted of the ends of antler tines that had been cut off, hollowed,
and smoothed to a sharp point (Figure 19b,c). There were also seven
fragments of probable needles made of antler, and one tip of a probable
perforator. Three fragments of antler sections had been cut and
hollowed, apparently to form tubes. Five other tips of tines
(including one elk) were also found; these might have been used as
flakers. One section of deer antler was broken where a hole had been
drilled through it, and might have functioned as a spokeshave or shaft
straightener (Figure 18c). Thirty additional fragments of modified
antler were also found, including ten of elk. These fragments were
primarily cut, scored, or grooved and then split.
Bone artifacts. Modified bone artifacts were common, especially
those made from mammal bone. Nine bison scapula hoes and one probable
92

polished; similar specimens have been found at Fullerton Field
Component Fort Ancient sites (Griffin 1966:Plate 29) and the Oneota
Fanning Site in Kansas (W. Wedel '1959:165). A section of mammal long
bone had a grooved cross-hatched design, and another section of large
mammal (elk?) rib had been cut off smoothly at one end. Two small long
bone sections had been roughly cut to form tubes, and another had been
smoothed to form a cylindrical counter or drift (Figure 19d). Several
fragments were found of a flat, thin piece of bone, highly polished on
both sides, and with geometric designs incised on both surfaces;
unfortunately, it could not be reconstructed. An additional 112
miscellaneous bone fragments showed some signs of modification
(cutting, scoring, smoothing, or polish).
Modified bird bone fragments were much less common. One large
section of a bird bone tube with a striated surface was reconstructed
(Figure 17e). Seven additional bird bone tube fragments, and seven
miscellaneous cut or polished bird bone fragments, also were found.
Shell. Modified shell was very uncommon at the site. Two naiad
shell fragments had possible notching on the margin. Three shells (all
Lampsilis ventricosa) had been modified by removal of the pseudo­
cardinal teeth.
3.3.4 Historic Artifacts
The discovery of a glass bead during the 1978 excavations had
suggested that the site might be early historic, as is the case with
many of the Orr Phase sites in Iowa (M. Wedel 1959). However, the
95

extensive 1979 excavations produced only 5 early historic artifacts,
primarily from the plow zone.
The most interesting of these artifacts was a gunflint (Figure ge)
probably made of dark grey Brandon flint; it is most likely British in
origin, and seems to have been used as a strike-a-light (Edgar
Oerichbauer, personal communication). It was found at the base of the
plow zone. Three additional items found within the plow zone were a
lead ball, a purple glass bead, and a fragment of a kaolin pipe stem
(Figure 9f). An aqua seed bead was found in waterscreened fill from
one of the large, midden-filled features near the palisade; it is from
an unknown depth within the feature, and is probably intrusive. The
significance of the early historic artifacts in evaluating the age and
occupation history of the site will be -discussed in Section 3.3.10.
Recent historic artifacts were much more common at the site
(73 total), none of them found in feature contexts. These materials
consisted of miscellaneous metal, glass, and plastic fragments,
cinders, and pieces of asphalt, cement, and shingles. They were
deposited during cultivation and other modern use of the area.
3.3.5 Miscellaneous Artifacts
Copper. Copper fragments were very common at the site, most of
them very small. Of the total 163 fragments, 151 were found in
features, 11 in the plow zone, and one in miscellaneous excavations.
Four of the pieces were fragments of rolled tubular beads, a common
96

Oneota copper artifact. Nine pieces were fragments of coils (Figure
9d) made from rolled copper wire (M. Wedel 1959:162h). An additional
18 specimens were indeterminate fragments of rolled copper. Four small
pieces of flat hammered copper also were found. The remaining 128
fragments were very small flecks of copper.
Galena. Eleven chunks or cubes of galena were found, 5 in
features and 6 in the plow zone or other disturbed contexts. Galena is
available in the lead-mining districts of the Driftless Area (south­
western Wisconsin, northwestern Illinois, and northeastern Iowa), and
is known to have been traded widely by prehistoric Native Americans
(Walthall 1981).
Catlinite. Only one catlinite fragment was found at Valley View;
it was a section of an uncompleted pipe stem with no decoration. This
artifact was found in the rich bottom zone (Zone 8) of Feature 35. The
scarcity of catlinite in the large Valley View sample contrasts
strongly with the more common occurrence of catlinite fragments in
the recent excavations at the Midway Village Site (47Lc19, analysis in
progress). Catlinite was used and traded widely by Oneota and other
Native American groups (Woolworth 1983).
Daub/burnt clay. Fifty fragments of either daub or burnt clay
were found in the 1979 excavations--35 in features, 10 in miscellaneous
excavations, and. 5 in the plow zone or other disturbed contexts.
Several of the fragments had impressions from grass or other plant
97

material on one side, and might have been used in wattle-and-daub
construction or daub plastering of the palisade or other structures.
3.3.6 Organic Remains
Human bone fragments. Five fragments of human bone were found
during the 1979 excavations. One broken molar was found in the plow
zone, as was an unidentified section of long bone that is probably part
of a human femur. One incisor fragment was uncovered in the Feature 66
excavations at the northern end of the site. A distal portion of a
humerus was recovered from the trench through Feature 249, a large,
midden-filled basin at the southern edge of the site. A skull fragment
with several fine cut marks on the outer surface was found on the
surface of Feature 226, a feature that appeared to be a refuse pit, and
which there was no time to excavate.
Other faunal remains. The site produced a large sample of
unmodified faunal remains, most of them very well preserved. In all,
more than 53,000 fragments were examined, of which 6,966 were
identified. A wide variety of mammal, bird, turtle, fish, and naiad
species were represented; these are discussed in Chapter 4.
Floral remains. Floral remains were also common and well
preserved. Sampled light fractions from flotation yielded 1919
fragments of corn, 21 of squash, 11 of beans, and 1550 of nutshell, in
addition to 963 charred seed or pit fragments, 645 fungus fragments,
98

and well over three thousand modern seeds. These floral remains are
evaluated in Chapter 4.
3.3.7 Palisade
During the 1978 field season, a suspected palisade stain was
discovered in excavations along the western margin of the site, and in
narrow cross-section trenches at the southern and eastern edges (Figure
5). In 1979, additional units were excavated along the western and
northern edges of the site to uncover larger sections of the stain.
Because of time constraints, the eastern and southern edges of the site
were not reexamined.
Along the western margin of the site, the soil had a fairly high
clay content; and two stockade lines showed up as well-defined small
trenches (Figure 6). The dimensions of these palisade remnants varied,
"depending on how deeply the area had been graded, and how much erosion
had occurred after topsoil removal. In some areas, the entire trench
had been graded and eroded away, including the portion along the north­
western corner of the site. A faint stain was exposed in cross-section
during construction several meters northwest of the site, but could not
be verified as part of the palisade.
The western palisade trenches were cross-sectioned in several
locations. In addition, the trench fill was removed from several
sections, revealing postholes about 8-15 em in diameter, spaced about
5-20 em apart in the bottom of each trench. A line of large features
filled with midden debris paralleled the inner palisade trench; these
99

features were interpeted as possible borrow pits for earthen reinforce­
ment of the stockade.
100
On the northern edge of the site, the soil was extremely sandy,
and the suspected palisade lines showed up as two very large, poorly
defined parallel dark stains. Long cross-section trenches were exca­
vated across these stains to try to identify them in profile; however,
rodent disturbance and leaching of stains in the sandy soil obscured
any trench boundaries. Instead, what were observed in profile were
"dips" in the indistinct dark stains visible on the surface (Figure
20). A possible postmold was identified in one of the cross-section
trenches. When the site was later stripped with a bulldozer, the
northern stains showed up more clearly on the surface, and were
remapped (Figure 6).
Large features were also found near the northern palisade stains.
In addition, an area of high artifact density was observed along the
inner stain, apparently a midden deposited along the· inside of the
palisade. Artifact densities dropped off abruptly beyond this stain.
The presence of a double stockade line suggested either rebuilding
or construction of a double wall. Double and even mUltiple parallel
stockade lines were reported for many historic Native American groups.
Huron stockade lines, for example, were sometimes "interwoven" or
otherwise connected at intervals to provide additional obstacles for
intruders (Heidenreich 1978:377; Trigger 1969:15). Garbage was dumped

against or sometimes over them, forming middens. The Huron stockades
were constructed of high, narrow poles, spaced several inches apart,
and sometimes reinforced with an earthen bank. The western palisades
at Valley View looked as though they might have been interwoven at
intervals; one confusing section midway along the western stockade was
interpreted as a possible gate, or other observation or defensive
feature.
The subsequent discovery of the 1885 Lewis map greatly clarified
the interpretations of the palisade. According to Lewis, the site had
a horseshoe-shaped embankment encirling it on the north, west, and
south (Figure 21), built up with midden debris:
The dirt is mixed with broken pottery buffalo teeth chips
& burned stone including broken mortars.
The enclosure is now cultivated. The original walls were
composed of a sandy soil, re-enforced by dumping village
debre (debris) on the top to increase the height. (Lewis
n.d.:45,46)
He also noted that there were two ditches outside of and parallel to
the north side of the embankment, from point 12 to 16 on his map
(Figure 21).
101
This description greatly clarifies the archaeological evidence
uncovered at the site. The stockade trenches found along the western
edges would have been below the base of the embankment, with the
-stockades reinforced with dirt to form the embankment. The large

midden-filled pits were almost certainly sources of fill for the
embankment.
102
On the northern side, the stains that were thought to represent
the. stockade lines are probably actually the ditches paralleling the
stockade. The stockade itself probably crossed the site just to the
south of them, but evidence of it was destroyed by plowing and topsoil
removal, or perhaps obscured by the dark midden staining of the sandy
soil.
Lewis's measurements were plotted to form a more accurate map of
the embankment, which was then superimposed on the site map to find its
"best fit" (Figure 22). Lewis's measurements reflect the increased
width of the embankment after erosion and cultivation; nevertheless,
the fit is remarkably good.
3.3.8 Postmolds and structures
One of the purposes of the 1979 excavations was to identify any
structures present at the site. Because of the extensive rodent
disturbance, especially in areas of sandy soil, it was decided to
cross-section all potential postmold stains; however, few postmolds
were found.
One portion of the site that seemed to have great potential
included the Feature 39 complex and the nearby Feature 43, 66, and 88
complex, at the northern end of the site. Feature 39 was a large
basin-shaped pit surrounded by orange-colored burnt soil. Beyond the
orange stain was a large area of compact soil and a ring of smaller

southern edges. Many of the features dug in the sandy soil stopped
abruptly when they hit the clay subsoil.
A wide variety of sizes and shapes of features was present
(Appendix B), some of which stand out as distinctive "types":
105
Large midden-filled pits. As mentioned in Section 3.3.7, a ring
of very large, basin-shaped features was found roughly paralleling the
inner stockade line (Figure 6). These distinctive features were almost
certainly borrow pits for earthen reinforcement of the palisade. They
all contained a high density of cultural and organic materials, often
occurring in clearly stratified zones. Excavated examples of this type
are Features 61, 77, 79, 81, 82, 84, 97, 99, 100, 141, and 249 (see
Appendix B).
Hearth. Only one good example of a hearth was discovered;
unfortunate+y, it was exposed during grading north of the site,.
necessitating very hasty excavation (Feature 76, Appendix B). This
feature had dark matrix within a ring of fire-cracked rock, underlain
by a zone of charred organic material and a zone of sticky gray clay.
Deep bell-shaped pits. Six deep bell-shaped pits, probably
storage pits, were excavated (Features 37,42, 106, 108, 194,223;
Appendix B). These features were 58-89 cm deep, and were rodent­
disturbed near the surface. Feature 223 contained a complete, although
crushed, large vessel in the bottom zone; this was the only fully
reconstructable vessel from the site.

Superimposed features. Only four sets of features showed any
evidence of superimposition. Feature 51 was slightly superimposed over
one edge of Feature 41. Similarly, Feature 72 intruded slightly into
Feature 73, and Feature 284 was minimally superimposed on one edge of
Feature 211 (Appendix B). Features 126 and 128 intruded into two edges
of Feature 273.
106
Miscellaneous features. The remaining features displayed a wide
range of sizes, shapes, and contents. Most were roughly oval and
basin-shaped, but they varied from extremely shallow lenses (e.g.,
Features 52, 53, 55, 56, ·146), to deep, straight-sided bowls (e.g.,
Feature 50), to slightly bell-shaped pits (e.g., Features 46, 48, 114).
One feature that deserves special mention is Feature 35, a deep
bowl that produced an unusually high density and wide range of cultural
and organic materials. Artifact densities were high throughout the
feature, especially around a layer of fire-cracked rock near the bottom
(Zone 8; see Appendix B). Artifacts found included a small unfinished
catlinite pipe fragment, a bone pendant, and large section of a
pottery vessel.
3.3.10 Dating
Woodland component. A minor Woodland component at Valley View was
evident from the presence of several grit-tempered, cord-marked ceramic
sherds and Woodland projectile points. No Woodland artifacts were
found in any of the 94 features sampled in 1979; instead, they were

confined to the plow zone or probable rodent-disturbed areas. Woodland
artifacts were slightly more common in the 1978 sample, much of which
came from the southern end of the site. No evidence of undisturbed
Woodland remains, such as features, was discovered in either field
season.
Historic component. The historic component at the site is
somewhat more problematic. When the first historic artifact (a purple
glass bead) was found in the 1978 sample, it was thought that the site
might represent a historic Oneota occupation, as is the case with some
Orr Phase sites in Iowa (M. Wedel 1959). Local- artifact collectors had
also reported finding historic artifacts, including gunflints, on and
near the site.
The 1979 excavations turned up only five additional historic
artifacts: a gunflint (Figure ge), a kaolin pipe stem fragment (Figure
9f), another purple glass bead, an aqua seed beed, and a lead ball.
The pipe fragment, purple bead, and lead ball were found in the plow
zOne, and the- gunflint was found at the base of the plow zone. The
seed bead was found in waterscreened feature fill; however, it came
from an unknown depth in a feature that had some intrusive modern seeds
even in its lowest zone, more than half a meter below the surface.
None of these artifacts, therefore, is from a clearly undisturbed con­
text.
107
The historic artifacts are not what would be expected from an
early contact site in this region. The gunflint, for example, appears

to be of British rather than French origin:" • the gunflint
truly diagnostic of the Late Historic period [A.D. 1760 - 1820].
is this English-made dark-colored prismatic form with the square heel
or back" (Quimby 1966:75). In addition, seed beads are a fairly late
bead form.
On the other hand, the remainder of the total assemblage from
108
Valley View is not what would be expected from a Late Historic site.
The homogeneous lithic and ceramic assemblages, for example, are quite
similar to those from other prehistoric sites in the area. In
addition, if the site was occupied as late as the British period of
contact, then a much higher proportion and wider range of historic
artifacts would be expected.
Instead, it is likely that there was a separate historic occupa­
tion at Valley View long after the main Oneota occupation. This later
use of the site was probably much less intensive than the main occupa­
tion, since there were no features that could be interpreted as
historic. Even the feature in which the seed bead was found (Feature
97) was identical in form and contents to the other midden-filled
basins along the palisade. The historic residents might have occupied
a portion of the site outside the excavated areas (such as the
unexplored southeastern corner). On the other hand, their debris might
have been confined more to the surface, in soil that was plowed and
later removed.

109
Oneota component. The main occupation of the site, with which all
of the features and almost all of the artifacts were associated, was
Oneota. This occupation probably occurred between the mid-1400s and
early 1500s.
Because of the presence of historic artifacts, obtaining
radiocarbon dates was assigned a high priority. Two samples were
submitted immediately after the 1979 excavations: charcoal from a
large piece in the Feature 43, 66, and 8a complex; and charcoal from
the bottom zone of a midden-filled basin near the palisade (Feature
84). The radiocarbon assays from these samples were 755 ± 75 B.P.
(A.D. 1195 ± 75, BETA-1677) and 930 ± 40 B.P. (A.D. 1020 ± 40,
BETA-1676).
These two dates were surprisingly early, especially for a site
with ceramics so similar to those of the Orr Phase (see Dobbs 1982).
As more samples from Oneota sites in the La Crosse region were assayed,
typical uncalibrated dates seemed to fall consistently in the 1400s and
early 1500s, and the Valley View dates appeared increasingly anomalous.
In 1983, a new Valley View sample was submitted to another
radiocarbon laboratory, and produced a date of 400 + 70 B.P.
(A.D. 1550 ± 70, WIS-1630). This sample was wood charcoal taken from
the bottom zone (Zone 8) of Feature 35, a large pit with ceramics and
other artifacts very similar to those in the previously dated Feature

fall where there are large fluctuations in the calibration curve,
increasing the range of their calibrated ages.
112
Between A.D. 1410 and 1470, there is a pronounced clustering of
calibrated dates from six La Crosse sites: Midway (47Lc19), Pammel
Creek (47Lc61), Sand Lake (47Lc44), Overhead (47Lc20), State Road
Coulee (47Lc176), and Valley View. The uncalibrated dates for these
sites range from A.D. 1420 to A.D. 1550.
Two calibrated dates, one each from the Midway and Valley View
sites, fall after A.D. 1500. Both of these samples again date to
periods of fluctuations and reversals on the calibration curve, greatly
increasing their range of error. The nature of the materials at the
sites, and their similarity to the assemblages from the other sites,
suggest that the earlier ends of their ranges are more likely.
Additional samples will be submitted from Valley View to verify a
mid-1400s to early 1500s age for the Oneota occupation.
3.4 Evaluation of the Data Sample
The sample from the Valley View Site is the largest yet obtained
from any Oneota site in the region; 43,637 lithics, 30,436 ceramic
sherds, and over 46,021 bone fragments were examined. Despite the
large sample size, however, there are many biases and gaps in the data
that must be taken into account when interpreting the findings.
First, various cultural practices would have interfered with the
preservation of a representative sample of material at the site,

zone as they were described in the field, and as they were verified in
the laboratory. For example, a particular zone might have been
observed in the field to have a high content of faunal material, while
the matrix sample removed from it contained very little. Greater
115
sampling of individual zones would have been preferable but was, as
noted, logistically impractical.
Important gaps in knowledge about the site surroundins also hinder
interpretations. Many archaeological sites near Valley View have
already been destroyed by development, erasing any evidence of nearby
settlements that might have been associated with the Valley View Site.
In addition, cultivation and development would have destroyed traces
any agricultural fields on the terraces, while cUltivation of the bot­
tomlands might have destroyed evidence of any wetland ridged fields not
buried under historic alluvium.
Despite its biases, the information from the Valley View Site
still constitutes by far the largest sample from any site in the
La Crosse region, encompassing a wide variety of artifacts and well­
preserved organic remains from a single, relatively short-term occupa­
tion. This information is extremely useful for examining Oneota
subsistence, settlement, and social strategies in the region, which are
discussed in Chapters 4 and 5.

descriptions in Appendix B include counts and densities of floral
remains found in each individual feature and zone within them.
Appendix A presents information on the habitats, seasons of availabi­
lity, and uses of the plants found at the site, summarized from
numerous sources (e.g., Fernald 1970; Fernald and Kinsey 1958; Gleason
and Cronquist 1963; Yanovsky 1936; Yarnell 1964).
4.1.2 Faunal Analysis Methods
117
The faunal analysis included the identification and interpretation
of the mammal, fish, bird, turtle, and naiad remains from the site.
After the skeletal elements were identified, the Minimum Number of
Individuals (MNI) for each species was calculated for the site, based
on the number of redundant elements (Table 3). Edible meat weights
were estimated for each species (Table 4), and used to calculate the
amount of meat represented by the faunal remains (Table 3). Meat
weights were converted to energy (kcal/kg) by class (Table 5). Infor­
mation on the habitats and availability. of each, species was also
assembled--when and where animals of each species could be found in the
region, and how they might have been obtained (Appendix A). Detailed
information on the faunal remains found is included in the feature
descriptions in Appendix B.
Mammals. For mammals, elements that were commonly used for tools,
such as deer mandibles and elk and bison scapulae, were eliminated from
the calculations of MNI and edible meat weight because of the possibi-

specimens, and the apparent variability of otolith growth in large
fish. To obtain an average size for catfish, a sample of 163 pectoral
spines from one feature was size-graded and compared to modern speci­
mens (Table 7). An average figure of 980 kcal/kg was used for fish
caloric contributions (Theler 1983:Table 4). Habitat and availability
information was obtained primarily from Becker (1983).
119
Birds. Information on meat weights, habitats, and availability of
birds was compiled with the assistance of Janet Speth. Meat weights
(Table 4) were calculated as 50% of average live weights, following
White (1953). For several species,these figures were the same as
those used by Theler (1983:Table 2). Additional weights for waterfowl
were obtained primarily from Bellrose (1976) and Palmer (1962), and for
other birds from Schorger (1966, 1973), Johnsgard (1975), and Clench
and Leberman (1978). Some species were. included in the meat weight
estimates because they were potential food sources although they might
have been hunted for very different reasons. Raptors, for example,
were often hunted by Native Americans for ritual or religious purposes;
some of the small birds might may have been taken for their brightly
colored feathers. There was no evidence of special treatment of any of
the bird remains. Energy contributions for birds were averaged at 1797
kcal/kg (Theler 1983:Table 4). Habitat and availability information
(Appendix A) was summarized from numerous sources, including Anderson

cupules. Kernel fragments outnumbered cob fragments by more than three
to one. At nearby sites such as Sand Lake (47Lc44) and State Road
Coulee, numerous whole kernels and occasional whole or partial cobs
have been found.
122
The size, abundance, and distribution of kernel and cob fragments
at any site depend largely on the corn processing methods that were
used, which varied widely among Native American groups, and which are
often difficult to interpret from archaeological remains. At the State
Road Coulee Site, almost 2000 complete kernels were found in a 2 x 2
meter test pit excavated into an apparent midden. According to Leonard
Blake of Washington University, these kernels were dried while still on
the cob, but were charred off the cob (Bailey 1984:76-79). Among many
historic Native American groups, including the Ioway, Winnebago, and
Menominee, young corn was roasted or steamed in rock-lined pits
(perhaps similar to Feature 35). After the corn cooled, it was
shelled, often with a mussel shell or deer mandible, and dried (e.g.,
Lurie 1961:11; Skinner 1921:161, 1926:289). Among the Sauk, green corn
was scraped from the cob with a deer mandible (Skinner 1925:137).
After shelling, cobs were sometimes burned for fuel, or even to make
ash for seasoning, as Wilson reported for the Hidatsa (Wilson
1917:53-54). Burning of cobs would reduce the number and size of cob
fragments, producing remains similar to those found at Valley View.

This processing method would create little chance for accidental
charring.
124
Tobacco. Because tobacco (Nicotiana rustica) was probably more of
a small garden crop than a major cultigen, its charred remains would
not be expected in large quantities. A total of six tobacco seeds were
found in five (5.3%) of the features--similar to the density and
distribution of beans. Wilson (1917:121-125) reported that among the
Hidatsa tobacco was cultivated only by men, and was grown in separate
garden plots since it was thought to harm corn if the two crops were
grown together. The tiny seeds were collected if they were observed on
the plants. CUltivation of tobacco by the Sauk was reported to be even
less elaborate, with seeds simply scattered over ashes on the ground
(Skinner 1925:139).
5.2.2 Indirect Evidence
Additional evidence for agriculture-related activities at the site
includes bison scapula hoes, grinding stones, deer mandible sickles or
corn shellers, bell-shaped features that probably functioned as storage
pits, and early historic references to agricultural fields.
Scapula hoes. Nine probable bison scapula hoes and 39 polished
bone fragments, probably from hoe blades, were found. None of the sca­
pUlae had the central hole or notch characteristic of a scapula fiber
processor (Baerreis and Dallman 1961; Hofman 1980; Theler 1985). Many
of the specimens were badly fragmented or eroded except for the hafting

end, so that form and wear patterns were difficult to ascertain. One
possible hoe made from an elk scapula also was found.
Grinding stones. Manos and metates were uncommon. The few
125
metates found were well-worn pieces of broken specimens, although a
local artifact collector did find one large, complete metate after the
close of the 1979 excavation. The relative scarcity of grinding stones
is similar to the low frequency of other pecked or ground stone tools,
such as hammerstones and celts, that were usually made from non­
sedimentary rock. This low frequency might be due in part to the
relative scarcity of suitable raw materials, although ground stone
implements made from orthoquartzite were common at the Midway Site.
Wooden grinding implements might have been used; they would have been
easily made and replaced, but would not be preserved archaeologically.
Historic Native American groups, including the Ioway, commonly used log
mortars (e.g., Skinner 1926:289).
Deer mandibles. Deer mandibles are sometimes mentioned in ethno­
graphic accounts of corn processing (e.g., Parker 1907, 1910; Skinner
1921:161); along with mussel shells, they were used to scrape corn off
the cob. Brown (1964) has argued that the mandible implements common
at Mississippian sites are sickles rather than corn shellers, and
might have been used to cut grass for thatching. Worn deer mandibles
were one of the most common bone tools at Valley View; 13 mandibles or
fragments showed patterned breakage and wear, and another 10 showed

127
The second map, made by T. H._Lewis in July of 1885, is accom­
panied by a mention of what were probably extensive ridged fields on
the terrace to the west of the site: "Just across the ravine and
running in a west course, are the remains of numerous garden beds,
which formerly extended into Sections 10 & 16" (Lewis n.d.:46). These
fields, like those found elsewhere in the state, may have been clearly
visible on the ground surface before they were heavily plowed. They
might well have been associated with the Valley View occupation and/or
the other Oneota sites clustered around the mouth of the La Crosse
Valley. Lewis's description also lends credence to the possiblility
that Nicollet had, in fact, observed prehistoric ridged fields.
4.2.3 Agricultural Strategies
In the La Crosse region, soils suitable for prehistoric agri­
culture would have occurred primarily in two settings, as described in
Section 2.3. The extensive terraces have soft, sandy soils that could
have been worked easily, although they would have been somewhat prone
to drought and limited in their productivity. They would have been
especially suitable for crops that prefer well-drained soils, such as
squash. The most fertile soils probably would have been those of the
floodplains, many of which are too wet to be farmed without artificial
drainage.
At the Sand Lake Site (47Lc44) just north of La Crosse, there is
clear evidence that ridged field agriculture in poorly drained wetland

soils was practiced by Oneota peoples, probably within a hundred years
of the Valley View occupation (Boszhardt, Bailey, and Gallagher 1985;
Gallagher et al. 1985). Direct evidence of agricultural activities at
Sand Lake was furnished by pollen and macrofloral remains, including
corn, squash, and bean fragments and several complete corn cobs. The
Sand Lake ridged fields must have have covered many tens of acres when
in use, and represent a considerable investment in labor and time for
both construction and maintenance. Traces of probable ridges have also
been found at the State Road Coulee Site (Boszhardt et al. 1984), which
dates to about the same time. At State Road Coulee, an apparent midden
yielded a dense concentration of corn and bean fragments (Bailey 1984).
Both sites are in similar poorly drained settings, where the ridges
might have contributed to moisture control.
128
The fields indicated along the terraces near Valley View in the
Nicollet (Wood 1983:Plate 20H) and Lewis (n.d.:46) accounts suggest
that the sandy terrace soils might also have been farmed by Oneota
groups. If that is the case, these ridges might have had a micro­
climatic function such as frost-drainage, as is believed to have been
their primary function in eastern Wisconsin (Moffat 1979; Riley and
Freimuth 1979; Riley, Moffat, and Freimuth 1981).
The chronological and cultural relationships between the Sand
Lake, State Road COUlee, and Valley View sites are not yet clear.
Ceramics from these three sites do appear more similar to each other

than to pottery from many of the other local sites, particularly in the
frequencies of Allamakee Trailed traits, such as tool or finger impres­
sions on the lip top, and zones of punctates outlined by trails. Other
sites such as Overhead and Pammel Creek, Jim Braun, Olson, and Midway
show different kinds and proportions of rim and body treatment,
including some Perrot Punctate traits more typical of the Blue Earth
Phase ceramics. Dates for State Road Coulee and Sand Lake are similar
and consistent (Table 1, Section 3.3.10); the later (and probably more
accurate) dates from Valley View are only a few decades later. It can­
not be demonstrated that Valley View was occupied by the same people
who farmed at the Sand Lake and State Road Coulee sites. Nevertheless,
it is certain that ridged field technology was available to similar or
related groups, roughly contemporaneous to the Valley View occupants,
and was probably available to them as well. Since Oneota sites are
clustered around the mouth of the La Crosse Valley, it is likely that
the fields observed on the terraces in early historic times were asso­
ciated with them, and probably with Valley View. The inference that
farming was practiced near Valley View also makes sense in light of the
number of agricultural tools found, and the indications of corn pro­
cessing and storage.
129
It is not known whether there were any fields in the floodplain as
well. A large portion of the La Crosse bottomland has soils similar to
those farmed at the Sand Lake Site. Some of the floodplain soils could

have been farmed without ridging, although they would not have been as
easy to work as those of the terraces. Evidence of any floodplain
ridged fields might have been erased by historic drainage and cultiva­
tion. At Sand Lake, for example, the ridged fields were preserved only
because of their accidental burial under an alluvial fan. At the State
Road Coulee Site, on the other hand, ridges were preserved under
130
historic alluvium, which might have occurred in the La Crosse River
Valley. Additional investigation into agricultural practices at
Valley View, including examination of the floodplain soils, could prove
highly informative.
4.3 Use of Wild Plant Resources
A wide range of wild plants were used by Native Americans for
food, medicine, dye, smoking, and other purposes. The charred plant
remains found at archaeological sites provide a non-representative
sample of the plants that were actually used, and usually furnish
little evidence of how they were used. The presence, density, and
distribution of the remains of each species must be evaluated, to
determine the processes by which they could have been incorporated into
the site deposits, and whether those processes included human utiliza­
tion. This section summarizes the charred remains of non-domesticated
plants found at the Valley View Site (Table 2), and suggests the sUb­
sistence strategies they might represent. More detailed descriptions
of individual species are presented in the last section of Appendix A,

and counts and densities of the remains identified are included in the
feature descriptions in Appendix B.
131
In the La Crosse region, uncharred plant remains are rarely pre­
served at archaeological sites. Therefore, the uncharred seeds found
at Valley View were considered to be modern and intrusive, having been
mixed with site deposits through rodent and other disturbance. Their
relative abundance was used as a rough index of disturbance, to indi­
cate the possible movement of charred seeds and other very small
remains. Unless mentioned otherwise, the remains described in Section
4.3.1 were charred.
4.3.1 Wild Plant Remains
Edible weedy plants. The major plant remains in this category are
the seeds of the common disturbed-ground weeds, Chenopodium sp. and
Amaranthus sp. Chenopodium, or lambsquarters, was used extensively and
sometimes cultivated by Native American peoples for its greens and
abundant seeds. Amaranth, or pigweed, was used similarly, although to
a lesser degree. Charred seeds of both plants were found at the site:
Chenopodium occurred in almost 40% of the features, at an overall den­
sity of 1.1/liter matrix; amaranth occurred in only 8.4% of the
features, at a very low density. Indeterminate Cheno/Am fragments were
found in 26.6% of the features, and had an overall density of only
O.S/liter. Uncharred, intrusive seeds of both genera were also

Acorn, walnut, and butternut remains, in contrast, were very
uncommon, occurring at low densities in only a few features. This dif­
ference probably reflects the local abundance of hickory trees in rela­
tion to walnut and butternut, and the ease of processing hickory nuts
compared to acorns (Appendix A). The use of acorns and walnuts at the
site, therefore, was probably incidental. The use of hickory nuts, on
the other hand, appears to have been at least moderately important, and
probably constituted a fall gathering subsistence supplement. The
amount of nuts represented probably could have been collected quite
near the site, so that minimal scheduling and relatively little labor
would have been involved.
135
Fruits and berries. The use of fruits and berries is difficult to
evaluate from charred archaeological remains, since these foods were
usually eaten fresh or dried, using processes that would not often lead
to charring. For some species, there are few mechanisms other than
human collection that would have led to the presence of charred speci­
mens at the site, in which case only a few examples might be enough
evidence to indicate human use. Unfortunately, it is rarely possible
to determine the relative importance and different uses of these plants
from such scant information.
Plum or cherry pit fragments (Prunus sp.) were present in six
features; wild plum (Prunus cf. americana) fragments were present in
three. Both of these fruits were used commonly by Native Americans

the site, and their collection would have required relatively little
scheduling or labor.
137
Wild ,rice. Wild rice has been found at other Oneota sites near
La Crosse, primarily those near the Mississippi River (Overhead, Pammel
Creek, Olson). At Valley View, however, only one fragment tentatively
identified as wild rice was found, despite the large size of the floral
sample. Because wild rice is usually parched near fire, it is likely
that more fragments would have been found if it had been processed at
the site. Either wild rice was less common in the La Crosse floodplain
than in the Mississippi floodplain, or else it was not an important
component of the subsistence strategies of the Valley View occupants.
4.3.2 Strategies of Wild Plant Use
Analysis of the subsistence strategies underlying the use of wild
plant foods is constrained by the limited sample of remains preserved
at the site. The use of plant greens and tubers was probably very
important, at least at certain times of the year. For example, the
digging, drying, and storage of water-lily roots in the spring was an
important activity among the Winnebago (Lurie 1961:8-9). Unfortu­
nately, remains of such plants are not usually preserved at archae­
ological sites in this region, and their role in subsistence strategies
can only be conjectured.
At the Valley View Site, there is evidence for two basic subsis­
tence strategies involving the use of wild plants. First, berries and

fruits were apparently collected in the summer and fall, depending on
their availability near the site. Second, hickory nuts were collected
and processed in the fall, probably also near the site. Both activi­
ties would have involved little scheduling or labor. The roles and
importance of Chenopodium and Solanum are not clear, but they would not
have been major components of subsistence strategies. The use of other
plant species, including other nuts and weedy plants, undoubtedly
occurred but would have been incidental.
4.4 Faunal Resources
The large number of identifiable faunal remains at the site
greatly facilitated the interpretation of subsistence strategies. This
section summarizes the types of faunal resources found, and examines
the subsistence strategies they represent. More detailed information
on individual species is provided in Appendix A. Information on indi­
vidual identified elements is included in the feature descriptions in
Appendix B•.
4.4.1 Mammals
138
Mammal remains were abundant at the site (Tables 3,5), and repre­
sent 1427 kg of edible meat (82.9% of the site total), and 2.7 x 106
kcal of energy (89.3% of the total).
Large game. The bulk of edible meat from mammals was provided by
elk, deer, bear, and probably bison; although the MNI for these species

was lower than those of the smaller mammals, they have a very high
amount of meat per individual (Table 4).
139
The four elk (Cervus canadensis) represented at the site comprised
44.5% of the edible meat for mammals. Elk remains consisted primarily
of distal limb and cranial elements (Table 6), suggesting selective
transport. Some of the elements present (antler, scapula) were those
that were used for tools. Elk would have been most common along the
terraces, probably at any time of the year (Appendix A). The heavy use
of elk contrasts with the primary emphasis on deer typical of Woodland
groups in the Driftless Area (Theler 1983).
Deer (Odocoileus virginianus) were also important in the Valley
View assemblage; the five animals represented would have provided 13.5%
of the edible meat from mammals. Evaluation of the actual importance
of deer was complicated by the use of the most apundant element
(mandibles) for tools; 13 mandibles or fragments showed definite
breakage and wear, and another 11 were similarly broken, but wear was
uncertain. Deer were also important for the manufacture of other
tools, particularly those made from phalanges and antlers. Because
these elements might have been either curated or brought from other
sites, they could not be used in calculating the site MNI. Inter­
pretation of the seasons in which deer were hunted was also complicated
by the use of the mandibles for tools. Of the 23 mandibles or frag­
ments, one was aged at 4.5 years, three at 3.5 years, one at 2.5 years,
and one at 16-18 months, suggesting some late fall or early winter

hunting. One set of antler bases in velvet was recovered, indicating a
July or August kill.
Deer would have occurred, particularly along forest edges, in
several different environments around the site, including the mixed
uplands, terrace edges, and floodplain forests. They were represented
primarily by cranial and distal limb elements (Table 6), but other
post-cranial elements also were present. Deer killed near the site
might have been brought back whole, while only selected portions were
brought back from those killed farther away.
140
Bear (Ursus americanus) elements were uncommon; nevertheless, they
indicated an MNI of two for the site, representing almost 11% of the
edible meat from mammals. Bears were represented only by distal limb
elements and three isolated teeth, probably because of selective
transport, which is likely given the large size of the animal. It is
also possible, although difficult to evaluate, that bear remains were
scarce because they were accorded special treatment. Among the nearby
Mdewakanton Sioux, bears were cooked during a feast, and the bones were
then gathered and buried under a tree, in the manner of more northerly
groups (Landes 1968:187). Among the Ioway, the most likely descendants
of the Orr Phase Oneota, the Black Bear clan was regarded as extremely
important (Skinner 1926:193), so that special treatment of bear remains
might also have been practiced by their predecessors. Bears could have
been hunted at almost any time, including during the cold season when
they could have been killed in their dens. They would have been

present in several local environments, particularly the mixed uplands,
terrace edges, and floodplain.
The bison (Bison bison) remains are perhaps the most problematic
of the faunal materials at the site. Early historic accounts mention
bison in the Mississippi Valley and elsewhere east of the Mississippi
(Schorger 1937), but it is unlikely that they were abundant there in
prehistoric times, or non-scapula remains would be more common at
archaeological sites. If bison were present on the terraces around
La Crosse, they would have occurred only in small numbers--certainly
they would have been less abundant than to the west, across the Missis­
sippi. Bison scapulae were undoubtedly an important resource, however,
since they were ideal for making the hoes common at local Oneota sites.
Bison scapulae might have been obtained from local animals, if a local
population was present. They might also have been obtained from
farther west by trade or hunting expeditions--two activities that would
be virtually indistinguishable in the remains at the base settlement.
If scapulae were traded, then no non-scapula bison remains would be
expected at the site. On the other hand, if bison were hunted
elsewhere, the meat would have been stripped off the carcasses and
dried for transport, again making non-scapula elements rare or absent
at the base settlement. One bison metacarpal was found at the Valley
View Site, suggesting some bison hunting, either local or distant; this
element was the basis for including one bison in the edible meat and
141

142
energy totals. Even one bison would have contributed greatly to the
diet (20% of the total for mammals).
Wetland mammals. Of the mammals that would have been most common
in the wetlands near the site, two species displayed evidence of inten­
sive use--beaver and muskrat (Table 3). The muskrat remains revealed
an MNI of nine, second among the mammals only to that of dogs.
Muskrats are small, so that their dietary contribution would have been
minimal (0.4% of the edible meat from mammals). They would have been
easy to catch at almost any time, however, and were probably useful for
their pelts•
.Beaver remains indicated an MNI of eight. Their larger body size
resulted in a much greater dietary contribution than that of muskrat
(6.2% of the edible meat from mammals). Beaver also would have been
useful for their hides and for their incisors, Which were removed and
used for tools. Like muskrats, they would have been fairly easy to
obtain.
Dogs. Bones of canids, almost certainly domesticated dogs, were
common at the site. Their MNI of ten was the highest among the mammals
(Table 3), and their estimated dietary contribution was at least 3% of
the edible meat from mammals. They apparently fed on the garbage
around the village, producing a large number of gnawed or ingested
bones. Many of the .bones of both immature and adult dogs show
butchering marks and burning, suggesting that they were used for food.

Ceremonial consumption of dog meat is reported for the Ioway and other
historic Native American groups (e.g., Skinner 1926:290). None of the
Valley View dog remains showed signs of special treatment, such as
ritual burial. Dogs might have functioned as a contingency food source
--in effect, a form of energy storage. They also might have provided
protection for the residents, by raising an alarm if anyone approached
the settlement.
143
Miscellaneous small'mammals. Raccoon and mink were represented by
three individuals each. Raccoons would have been present in many areas
around the site, and might have been sought for food or pelts (although
not as intensively as beaver and muskrat). Mink prefer floodplain
environments, and might have been taken during muskrat trapping.
Many other species were represented by only a single individual
each: cottontail, woodchuck, gray squirrel, fox squirrel, plains
pocket gopher, porcupine, badger, skunk, and otter. As described in
Appendix A, all of these species would have been available near the
site. Their collection was probably fortuitous rather than systematic
--that is, they were caught when found, but were not the focus of a
major hunting strategy.
4.4.2 Fish
Fish were by far the most abundant faunal remains (Table 3), and
represented a significant contribution to the diet (12.5% of the total
edible meat, and 6.9% of the energy). At least 28 species were
present; these are discussed individually in Appendix A. Fish could

have been collected using a wide range of techniques, including
spearing, netting, seining, or construction of weirs.
144
Almost all of the species found live, spawn, or nest in shallow
water or backwaters. Some of the species, such as sturgeon and some
suckers, form large spring spawning runs in shallow water, during which
they could have been speared easily. Some of the other species, such
as pike, spawn in flooded marshes; they could have been caught fairly
easily during spawning, and probably became stranded when the waters
receded. Several species (including catfish and bass) nest in shallow
water and guard their nests tenaciously, making them vulnerable to
spearing or netting. Several species are typical backwater or shallow­
water residents, and could have been collected easily by. seining
backwaters; this would have been the most likely method for collecting
the many very small fish (especially catfish) found in the Valley View
sample.
The three fishing methods that best account for the majority of
the fish caught at the site--backwater seining; spearing or netting
during spawning runs, and spearing or netting of adults while they were
guarding their nests--could have been undertaken throughout the spring
and summer. Scheduling requirements would have been minimal, except
perhaps during brief, high-density spawning runs, when larger task
groups might have been assembled.

The use of gill nets or weirs in the La Crosse River below the
site would have been an effective fishing method; however, no evidence
was found of the size selection that would have resulted if either
method had been important. No fish hooks were found that would indi­
cate line fishing.
145
The freshwater drum remains were the most problematic fish in the
sample. With an MNI of ten, they represent a significant proportion
(28.5%) of the edible meat from fish. Most of the individuals were
large. Drum are a deep-water species, however, and modern accounts of
their behavior (e.g., Becker 1983) provide little insight into how they
would have been obtained most easily at Valley View. These modern
accounts reflect the depletion of larger drum through commercial
fishing, as well as the depletion of naiad populations on which they
might have fed. Drum were fairly common at the Oneota Pipe Site in
eastern Wisconsin, and Overstreet (1981:465) suggests that they were
obtained by net fishing in open water. However, if large drum did feed
more often on mussel beds in prehistoric times, then they might have
been speared in shallow water near Valley View (J. Theler, personal
communication) •
4.4.3 Birds
An extremely wide range of species was evident in the bird remains
from the site; most showed an MNI of one. Waterfowl and waders were
most common, followed by assorted raptors, passerines, and upland birds

(Table 3). The 57 birds represented in the sample contributed only
2.8% of the total edible meat (47.9 kg) and energy (86.1 x 103).
146
The waterfowl included ducks, geese, and a single swan. The swan
was a "cf." identification of a trumpeter swan, and the geese were
almost certainlY giant Canada geese. Twelve different duck species
were identified, most of them represented by single individuals.
Almost all of the waterfowl were common spring and fall migrants that
also nested in the region (Appendix A), althOUgh some of the species
might have been uncommon as summer residents (trumpeter swan, northern
pintail, green-winged teal, wigeon, redhead, and ring-necked duck).
Canvasbacks might not have nested in the area at all, based on historic
. accounts. Local nesting of giant Canada geese during the Valley View
occupation was confirmed by the identification of eggshell fragments
(T. Erdmann, personal communication to J. Speth).
The diversity of the waterfowl assemblage indicates that these
birds were taken as available, without a focus on particular species.
Waterfowl could have been taken throughout the warm season, although
they would have been most abundant during migration, and most vulner­
able either when nesting or during their wing molt. Raiding of nests
is indicated by the common occurrence of eggshell at the site, of which
only the Canada goose specimens have yet been identified.
Other wetland species utilized include waders and other marsh
birds (loons, grebes, bitterns, cranes, coots, sora, and possibly

have been found in the floodplains near La Crosse, but little surveying
has been undertaken in these environments.
4.4.6 Decapods
A minor but interesting potential food source are decapods or
crayfish. Seven decapod fragments were found in Feature 82 at Valley
View. Decapod remains have also been found at the North Shore Oneota
site near La Crosse (Theler 1984:84), and might well have been used
for food. Crayfish were eaten by the Iroquois, who either boiled them
or put them in the ashes to roast (Freedman 1976:138; Waugh 1916:138).
Since the fragments were so scarce at Valley View, they are not con­
sidered further; they were probably a very minor component of the
floodplain foraging strategy discussed below.
4.4.7 Faunal Exploitation Strategies
150
The identified faunal remains from the site include at least 869
individuals, representing 1722 kg of edible meat and 3.0 x 106 kcal of
energy. When the remains are grouped by class (Table 5), it is clear
that mammals contributed by far the most meat and energy. Fish remains
were the most numerous, but represented a much smaller dietary contri­
bution.
Analysis of the faunal remains by class, however, stops short of
the primary goal of identifying the underlying subsistence strategies.
When the remains are examined from the latter perspective, two major

strategies of faunal exploitation are apparent: large game hunting,
and a second strategy termed "floodplain foraging." The contributions
of individual species are regrouped into these two basic strategies in
Table 8. A third, less important strategy is the use of miscellaneous
or fortuitous resources, including dogs and various species that were
probably taken if available, but were not the focus of any major
strategy.
151
Large game hunting. Large game included elk, bear, deer, and
probably bison. Although the faunal sample showed an MNI of only 12
for these species, they accounted for 73.0% of the edible meat and
78.7% of the energy represented at the site. These animals would have
been available on the terraces (elk and perhaps bison) and the mixed
uplands and floodplain (bear and deer). At times, deer might have been
taken near the site. For the most part, however, large game animals
would have .been killed by hunting parties who butchered the animals
elsewhere and brought selected portions back to the base settlement.
This pattern of selective transport is evident in Table 6.
Hunting of large game, especially when practiced by a fairly
sedentary agricultural society, presents an interesting study in risks,
cost, yields, and different types of efficiency. Compared to many
other resources, animals such as elk and bear are widely distributed
and risky to .procure, and might involve considerable time and effort to
find, kill, and transport. On the other hand, hunting these animals

could be a fairly labor-efficient activity, because of their high indi­
vidual yield. The very difficulties that make large-game hunting risky
could also have enhanced its prestige. In addition, these animals
would have provided hides, bone for tools, and sinews.
152
The three largest of the Valley View mammals are at the high end
of the continuum for both risk and yield. Deer are smaller, and would
have been more abundant and more widely distributed in the Driftless
Area; they would have been more predictable and less risky to hunt,
although somewhat less productive in their individual yield. They are
considered an intermediate species, falling within the overall range of
the large-game hunting strategy. Because of their wider distribution,
deer could have been hunted near the site as well as in more distant
settings, which would account for the presence of a wider range of deer
skeletal elements.
IdeallY, the relative value of large-game hunting could be exa­
mined by comparing the energy needed to obtain the large game animals
found at the site to the amount of energy they provided. Unfortu­
nately, data on the energy costs of hunting are scarce and inconsis­
tent. Estimates of yields range from 0.3 kg of edible meat per
person-hour (derived from Reidhead's estimate for bear hunting
[198o:Table 5.3]) to 6.2 kg/person-hour (from Feit's [1973] estimate of
Canadian moose-hunting; see Jochim 1981:Table 4.1). This range of
variation is so great that, using these figures, the Valley View large

are densely concentrated, predictable, and relatively immobile, and
involve little risk in collection. At least during the warm season,
they involve much less search time than does large game. Many of them
could be dried and stored for later use. Their high density per unit
of land, and their yearly cycle of renewal, make their exploitation
primarily a land-efficient strategy (Jochim 1981), as will be discussed
in Chapter 6.
Local collection of floodplain resources would have been most
likely, considering their costs versus their yield. With few excep­
tions, the floodplain fauna identified at Valley View could have come
from the nearby La Crosse floodplain. The main advantages to
floodplain resources are their high density, variety, and ease of
collection--they would have been accessible to almost anyone in the
community, with minimal scheduling and labor requirements. Because of
their low individual yield, however, transportation time and effort
would have detracted from their value if they were obtained farther
away from the site. The Mississippi floodplain is close enough to the
site to have provided at least some resources, especially those found
in dense concentrations such as mussel beds. These resources might
have been used to supplement those collected almost constantly from the
nearby La Crosse floodplain.
154
Because fish and naiads are less fatty than mammal meat, flood­
plain resources contributed less energy per kilogram of edible meat

156
Of the birds, turkeys and passenger pigeons might have been syste­
matically exploited, even though they made insignificant contributions
to the total diet. Turkeys, for example, could have been snared along
their regular trails, perhaps near cornfields. Passenger pigeons might
have nested commonly in the area.
If the raptors and other small birds were systematically hunted,
it was probably for purposes other than subsistence, since their
dietary contributions would have been insignificant. Instead, they
might have been hunted for ritual purposes, or for their feathers.
Other birds such as the curlew were probably taken if they were
available, especially near the site, but were not systematically
hunted.
The miscellaneous faunal species provided at least 89.5 kg of meat
(5.2% of the site total), or 170 X 103 kcal of energy (5.5% of the
total), and would have met the 2500 kcal/day requirement of the average
adult for a total of 67 person-days. Of this, approximately half was
provided by the ten dogs.
4.5 Overview of Subsistence Strategies
Sections 4.2 through 4.4 have discussed the plant and animal
remains found at the site, and suggested the subsistence strategies
they represent. This section briefly summarizes these strategies,
incorporating both plant and animal resources. They will be discussed
from a regional perspective in Chapter 6.

or foods that could be easily stored (berries, fruits, nuts). The use
of these miscellaneous foods also would have increased adaptive flexi­
bility and resilience if one of the other basic strategies failed.
Even if the other three strategies worked as expected, the addition of
these foods to the diet would have provided variety and the hidden
attribute of nutritional value (for example, vitamins in fruits and
berries). Their use would have added little to subsistence costs,
since most of them would have been available near the site and used
only when the costs were seen as acceptable.
Summary. The interpretation of subsistence strategies at the
Valley View Site reveals three major subsistence strategies--agricuI­
ture, floodplain foraging, and large game hunting--supplemented by the
use of other miscellaneous resources. Similar interpretations have
been suggested by other researchers. Brown, for example, proposed that
Oneota groups relied on a flexible combination of agriculture, upland
game (elk and/or bison), and wetland resources (1982:110). Smith
159
(1978b) emphasized the primary adaptation of Mississippian groups to
the floodplain "meander-belt zone." Cleland (1966:97) discussed the
importance of seasonal large-game hunting for late prehistoric agri­
cultural societies, and the "focal-diffuse" nature of Upper Missis­
sippian economies. Overstreet (1978, 1981) and Franz (1984a, 1984b)
examined relationships between upland, aquatic, and agricultural
resources at Oneota sites in eastern Wisconsin, following up on
Cleland's studies.

sedentary group. Seasonal large-game hunting, involving selected parts
of the group, and timed to avoid conflict with other scheduling
requirements, would provide a source of fatty meat to supplement the
other two strategies. These three strategies would be especially
advantageous for groups in the Driftless Area that wished to have
access to communication routes--the major river valleys.
161

emains, Valley View and several other sites in the region are believed
to represent base settlements, or villages. In addition to these base
settlements, other likely site 'types would have been short-term camps,
procurement or extraction stations, specialized mortuary or ritual
sites, and perhaps farmsteads. Subsistence activities at many of these
other site types would have complemented those undertaken at or near
the villages. Other site types, such as cemeteries, would have served
primarily social functions.
5.1.1 Site Location
163
Setting. The location of the Valley View Site has all of the
attributes expected for a base settlement. It is situated on a level,
well-drained terrace overlooking the La Crosse River floodplain, and is
near potential agricultural soils. The river would have provided water
and food, as well as a transportation and communication route. The
nearby floodplain and agricultural soils would have furnished easy
access for the whole group to the important resources obtained through
agriculture and floodplain foraging. At the same time, the site is
near the terrace and upland environments that would have best supported
the third major subsistence strategy, large-game hunting.
The distribution of non-agricultural resource zones around the
site is Shown in Figure 25. As described in Section 2.3, six basic
economic resource zones were plotted, using data from early historic
records and more recent ecological studies (see Gallagher and Stevenson

1982). These zones were defined with two goals in mind: to emphasize
the resources of interest to human groups; and to emphasize the basic
relationships between biological communities and landforms, to minimize
inaccuracies in interpreting climatic change and human interference.
164
Site catchment analysis. Site catchment analysis was used to
delimit the area of most likely resource use around the site (Higgs
1975; Higgs and Vita-Finzi 1972; Jarman 1972; Jarman, Vita-Finzi, and
Higgs 1972; Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970)•.Walking-time boundaries were
used to define the catchment (Figure 25) because they more accurately
reflect the time and effort of travel and resource collection in rugged
terrain than does a circular catchment. The two-hour outer limit of
the catchment is arbitrary, although based initially on Lee's (1969)
studies of !Kung subsistence practices (Jarman, Vita-Finzi, and Higgs
1972). The method used to project the catchment was developed in an
earlier study (Stevenson 1979), and involves the use of experimental
walking times over different slopes, projected onto slopes measured
from topographic maps.
Two important variables were not included in the catchment
definition: canoe travel, and seasonal changes in ground cover or
walking conditions. Canoe travel would have made a larger area-­
particularly in the floodplain zones--accessible during the warm season
(Gallagher and Stevenson 1982). Ground cover and walking conditions
would have varied throughout the year, including such important changes
as the freezing of wetlands in the winter, making them more accessible

165
on foot. At present, these factors are too complex to include in the
catchment analysis.
The two-hour catchment was subdivided into five concentric rings,
each representing a twenty-four minute walk (Stevenson 1979). This
procedure was based on the weighting system developed by Vita-Finzi and
Higgs (1970) in their initial catchment stUdies, in which they stressed
the importance of portraying the decrease in resource use that occurs
with increasing distance away from the site. Using Vita-Finzi and
Higg's figures, the innermost zone is considered fully (100%)
exploited, while the use of the remaining zones decreases from 50% in
the second ring to 33% in the third, 25% in the fourth, and 20% in the
outermost ring. It is important to emphasize that these figures are
arbitrary and are used only to depict the general decrease in resource
use.
Initially, it was hoped that site catchment anaiysis would provide
a means for quantifying and evaluating the use of the environment
around the Valley View Site. The proportions of different economic
zones within the catchment were to be compared to the subsistence
remains, to see which resources were in fact most important, and
whether the site location was chosen for proximity to those resources.
However, the subsistence and settlement strategies operating at the
site proved to be too complex to be analyzed through this relatively
simple model.

166
The basic assumption behind site catchment analysis is that people
tend to settle closest to the resources that are most important to them
(Vita-Finzi and Higgs 1970). In the Valley View case, however, at
least two very different kinds of "importance" are evident in sub­
sistence strategies. First, the resources acquired through agriculture
and floodplain foraging must have been extremely important in terms of
the amount of labor and time expended on them. On the other hand,
large-game hunting in the uplands and terrace was extremely important
in terms of its dietary contribution.
For site catchment analysis to be more useful in evaluating such
complex human-ecological systems, it must incorporate more information
on procurement strategies and how they affect the distribution of a
population over the landscape. In an economy where labor-efficient
strategies such as large-game hunting are predominant, local groups
might choose to settle neal' the resources even though they are mobile-­
in effect, following the game. In an economy where land-efficient
strategies are more important, settlement might be neal' the resources
on which these more labor-intensive activities are focused--so long as
other necessary resources were also still available.
The location of Oneota villages in the Driftless Area probablY
reflects this latter pattern. Base settlements would have been closest
to the locations of the most labor-intensive but land-efficient
activities--agriculture and floodplain foraging. Site locations that
also provided access to upland and terrace large game would have been

highly desirable. The relationship between site locations and sub­
sistence strategies is not assumed to be causal--that villages were
located near wetlands and agricultural land so that these land­
efficient strategies could be practiced. In fact, the reverse might be
true: land-efficient strategies might have been so important because
there were other reasons that Oneota groups preferred to stay near
riverine environments (for example, access to communication routes).
167
At present, the use of site catchment analysis in Oneota research
seems most useful not as an explanatory device, but rather as a con­
sistent method for arbitrarilY delimiting and measuring an area of each
site's local·environment. Because it is consistent, this method faci­
litates comparisons of different sites. The use of walking-time catch­
ments seems far more accurate than the use of circular catchments for
examining the actual availability of resources in the local environ­
ment, and should lead to more accurate comparisons of different sites,
especially those in dissimilar settings.
Walking-time catchments of several Oneota village sites in the
La Crosse region were examined in an earlier study (Gallagher and
Stevenson 1982). In this study, each catchment contained zones
suitable for floodplain foraging, usually in the innermost rings.
Since information on wetland and terrace ridged fields had not yet been
discovered, only drier floodplain soils were included as prime agricul­
tural soils--yet these were also usually present in the inner rings.
Each catchment also contained extensive terrace and upland areas.

168
In the Valley View catchment, the zones suitable for floodplain
foraging (open water and wet and dry bottomlands) comprised 15.4% of
the weighted total catchment, and were well represented in all of the
concentric rings. Upland and terrace environments (sandy prairie, oak
savanna, and mixed upland) were also well represented, particularly in
the outer rings.
Additional features. The location of the Valley View Site has
some unusual attributes that distinguish it from other Oneota village
locations in the La Crosse region. Most of the village sites-­
especially large ones such as Midway and Olson--are located along the
Mississippi terraces, where the floodplain economic zones are much
larger (Gallagher and Stevenson 1982:Table 1). Valley View, on the
other hand, is situated well back on the La Crosse River terrace, over
2 km from the mouth of the La Crosse Valley. It is at a narrow part of
the valley, just before it opens into a very broad floodplain to the
east. The site was in a naturally defensible position, with high
escarpments on the east and south, a gUlly on the west, and only a
narrow neck connecting it to the rest of the terrace. The view from
the site is good in all directions, particularly across the valley to
the west, south, and east. This setting is unique in the valley, and
was probably selected partially for these characteristics.

5.1.2 Seasons and Duration of Occupation
169
One of the aims of the Valley View analysis was to determine the
seasons during which the site was inhabited, and the overall length of
the Oneota occupation. This information is crucial to understanding
the role of the site within the overall subsistence and settlement
systems.
Because of the good preservation of organic remains, many types of
evidence were available to indicate at what time of year specific zones
or features were deposited. Each line of evidence was first evaluated
to determine its reliability.
Interpretation of evidence. Many factors can interfere with the
interpretation of seasonality: (1) Many food resources are available
only during certain seasons, but can be dried and stored for use at
other times--for example, corn and other cUltigens, nuts, berries, and
fish, naiads, and other meat. (2) The techniques and locations of food
processing largelY determine what seasonality evidence will be pre­
served archaeologically. For example, evidence is rarely available for
plants that are processed away from fire, or for animal foods in which
either the meat is removed from the bones away from the site or the
bones are pounded or ground. (3) Some seasonal indicators might be
curated, especially if they are used for tools--for example, deer man­
dibles and antlers. (4) Some small remains, such as fish scales and
small bones, might be so ubiquitous at a site that they could become
incorporated into features accidentally. (5) Refuse might become mixed

·170
through rodent disturbance or the periodic cleaning of pits or struc­
tures. Garbage in outdoor pits or middens would be especially
vUlnerable to canid scavenging and other disturbance. (6) Refuse
disposal practices might also vary in different seasons, especially in
areas where the ground freezes and there is snow cover. During the
winter, for example, pits inside structures might still be accessible,
but outdoor refuse disposal would be more likely in surface middens
than in pits. (7) After the site is abandoned, evidence for season­
ality might be affected by the quality and variability of preservation
of organic remains.
All of these factors must be considered in interpreting the evi­
dence for seasonality (see· also Monks 1981). ·Fortunately, the good
preservation and large sample size of the organic remains from Valley
View provide multiple lines of evidence.
Floral remains. The most abundant non-wood floral remains were
charred corn and nutshell fragments, representing fall harvesting
and collecting. Remains of both plants were very widely distributed,
with corn occurring in 86 of the 94 features sampled, and nutshell
occurring in 73. However, the density 9f fragments in each feature
was very low, with an overall average of only 3.9. The ubiquity of
the fragments suggests that corn and nuts were processed at the site,
becoming part of the general surface midden. They then would have
become incorporated into features and other deposits, perhaps long

after they were processed; this pattern would explain the low density
and small size of the fragments. In most of the features, therefore,
the corn and nut fragments can be considered "noise" rather than indi­
cators of fall deposits. Exceptions to this interpretation are several
features or individual zones with much higher densities of fragments,
probably the result of processing or use of corn or nuts at the time
the fill was deposited. Seasons of availability for the other plant
species found at the site are described in Appendix A; their remains
were relatively scarce.
171
Faunal remains. A certain amount of noise was also apparent in
the faunal assemblage. For .example, at least a few fish scales and
small bone fragments were found in virtuallY every feature, even those
with no other faunal remains. Again, this distribution is most easily
explained as the incorporation into features of small-scale remains
from the general· surface midden.
Most of the faunal species identified at the site--particularly
the riverine and wetland species, and the migratory birds--would have
been available almost exclusively during the warm season. Many of the
fish would have been most accessible during spawning (usually in
shallow water), or when guarding their nests. Eggshell provided
unusually good evidence for late spring to mid-summer activities, since
it is unlikely to have been stored, and is too fragile to survive well
in a general surface midden. The larger game animals (elk, deer, ·bear,
and possibly bison) would have been available throughout the year.

174
other features might well have been reused, or used in different
seasons. If they were cleaned periodically, then the remains found in
them would reflect only their last use. On the other hand, continuous
use through different seasons might have resulted in the mixing of
seasonal indicators. Feature 35, for example, was classified as a
warm-season feature because of the presence of eggshell and numerous
other spring and summer resources. Certain zones, however, also had a
fairly high density of corn and nutshell fragments. The bottom zone
had a thick layer of fire-cracked rock and a wide range of artifacts
and organic remains. This pit may have been multi-purpose, and perhaps
used during different seasons.
Given the widespread distribution of corn and nutshell throughout
the site, it is likelY that corn and nuts were processed there, and
that the site was therefore used during the autumn. The presence of
bell-shaped storage pits further supports this interpretation. Because
all of the warm-season features have corn and nutshell even in their
bottom-most zones, it is likely that the summer occupation was preceded
by at least some use of the site in the fall.
The presence of the storage pits and a few other likely cold­
season features suggests that the site might have been used over the
winter, but probably not to any great extent. However, it must be
remembered that evidence of winter occupation may be difficult to iden­
tify, because of food storage and seasonal changes in refuse disposal
practices. The intensity of the winter occupation, therefore, might be

easy to underestimate. Nevertheless, if the winter occupation had been
nearly as intensive as the following warm-season occupation, there
should have been more features or structures to provide evidence of
this.
175
The intensive warm season occupation seems to have begun in the
following spring. Over 50% of the features sampled had deposits
reflecting warm-season use, including all of the large, midden-filled
basins just within the palisade. If these basins were borrow pits for
earthen reinforcement of the stockade, then it is most likely that the
stockade was constructed in the spring or early summer.
Certain other features or groups of features also support this
interpretation of limited cold-season use of the site followed by
summer occupation (see descriptions and profiles in Appendix B). For
example, Feature 273 was a small basin that produced corn and nutshell,
but no warm-season remains; it was slightly superimposed on two sides
by Features 126 and 128, both of which were clearly warm-season pits.
Feature 128, although small, had eggshell and other warm-season
remains. Feature 126 was one of the large midden-filled basins ringing
the site.
Features 72 and 73 displayed a similar relationship. Feature 72
was a basin containing eggshell and other warm-season remains, that
intruded slightly into one edge of Feature 73. Feature 73 had little
or no warm-season remains in its lower zones, but did have some in its
uppermost zone. It was probably a cold-season feature, with a cap of

warm-season remains at the top corresponding to the time that the
intrusive Feature 72 was filled.
176
Features 41 and 51 were also similar.' Feature 41 had almost no
warm-season remains, and was interpreted as a probable cold-season
feature. Feature 51, which was a later feature intruding into one edge
of Feature 41, had warm-season fill.
Three of the storage pits provided additional evidence on the
occupation sequence. Features 42, 106, and 108 had low artifact den­
sities toward the bottom, although they did have dark black zones.
Farther towards the top, the density of remains (including that of
warm-season faunal remains) increased. This pattern suggests that the
pits were used initially for cold-season storage, and were uSed for
refuse disposal during the following warm season. It is unlikely that
this secondary use would have occurred any later, because the pits
probably would have filled in naturally, given the soft, sandy texture
of the soil. The use of these pits for refuse disposal also means that
they were not intended to be used for storage again--supporting the
argument that the site was not intended for long-term occupation.
In fact, evidence from the excavated features indicates a very
short-term, intensive occupation--perhaps as short as a year. As men­
tioned previously, the sandiness of the soil means that uncovered pits
would have filled in very quickly, and new pits would have been very
easy to dig. It is extremely unlikely, therefore, that the site could
have been occupied intensively for several years without there being

178
were represented. This clearly underestimates the total food energy
available at the site, since it includes neither agricultural foods
(which could not be quantified), nor any animal foods not represented
in the identified sample. Nevertheless, it provides an estimate of the
minimum number of person-days of energy available at the site.
The first step was to estimate the proportion of the site total
represented by the excavated sample. During the 1979 excavations,
41.5% of the site was stripped, revealing 234 features; therefore, the
total number of features at the site is projected to be 564. Of this
estimated total, 94 features (16.7%) were tested, with an average of
30% of each feature excavated. The excavated feature fill, therefore,
was about a 5% sample of the total feature fill at the site. The plow
zone remaining after topsoil removal was excavated over a 700 m2 area;
it probably comprised less than 1% of the surface deposits initially
present. The sample of artifacts and organic remains recovered from
the site is, at most, 4% of the original total.
This estimate of the excavated sample size was used to calculate
minimum edible meat and energy totals for the site. As discussed in
section 4.4, the identified faunal remains represented at least 1722 kg
of edible meat, or 3.04 x 106 kcal of energy. The total projected for
the site is at least 25 times that amount--43,050 kg of edible meat, or
76.0 x 106 kcal of energy. Using an average requirement of 2500 kcal/
day/person (derived from Wing and Brown 1979:21-25), this amount of
meat would supply 30,400 person-days of energy. This would be enough

to support 100 people for 304 days (about 10 months), or 150 people for
203 days (almost 7 months).
179
Occupation seguence. The most likely sequence of activities at
the site can be summarized as follows: (1) some use of the site in the
late summer or autumn; (2) perhaps some use during the following
winter; (3) an intensive occupation during the subsequent spring and
summer; (4) cessation of the intensive occupation; and (5) possible
subsequent use for purposes other than intensive occupation:
(1) Use of the site probably began in the fall with the processing
of corn and nuts and the preparation of these foods for storage or
caching. This use of the site is indicated by the presence of small
quantities of charred corn and nutshell in the bottom zones of-almost
all the features, even those that were clearly warm-season deposits.
It is probably related to farming and occupation of terrace - areas all
around the site, but not to any intensive occupation of the main site
area itself. Storage of foods at the site might, however, indicate the
intention to occupy it the following spring.
(2) The nature and extent of any subsequent winter occupation is
unclear. Although winter refuse disposal patterns would have been dif­
ferent from those during the warm season, as discussed earlier, it is
unlikely that the site was used intensivelY at this time without
leaving more deposits dominated by winter resources. Instead, most of
the remains of potential winter foods, such as large game, were found
in summer deposits. It is likely, therefore, that the site was not

used intensively during the winter. The inhabitants might have either
remained at other settlements or dispersed (perhaps for hunting).
180
Dispersal of small groups from villages for late fall and winter
hunting was a fairly common practice among historic Native Americans,
and would be reflected archaeologicallY by the patterns evident at
Valley View. The village itself might have been either maintained by
small segments of the population, or used periodically during the cold
season. The storage pits would have been used primarily to store
resources needed in the early spring, such as seed corn or contingency
food resources. Among the historic Winnebago, for example,
They used to dig a hole to save whatever they were not going
to use during the winter. They kept out whatever they
thought they would need for that winter and they saved in
the hole what they would eat in the spring. Seed was also
buried in the ground. (Lurie 1961:12) .
This use of storage pits is very different from that of the historic
Hidatsa, who dug large bell-shaped pits within houses and used them as
the equivalent of root cellars, to be opened whenever necessary (Wilson
1917:87-97). The Hidatsa pits, however, were designed for long-term
use; settlements and structures were also occupied for many years.
If the Valley View inhabitants did disperse during the winter for
hunting, it would also help to explain an anomaly noted in the deer
remains. Deer were represented most heavily by mandibles, which pro-
duced an MNI of 17 while the MNI based on other elements was only 5.
Seven of the mandibles were aged as follows: one (with erupting

houses, outside of the enclosure as well as within it (Lewis n.d.:46).
183
However, the density of excavated artifacts and features immediately
beyond the enclosure was extremely low, suggesting that the intensive
habitation was largely confined to the area within it.
In Section 5.1.2, it was projected that the total amount of food
from animal resources would have supported at least 100 people for ten
months, or 150 people for almost seven months. Agricultural crops and
other plant resources would have added considerably to this total, as
would any animal foods not represented by the identified remains. If
the previous interpretations about the seasons and duration of occupa­
tion are correct, then the population during the intensive occupation
might have consisted of about 150-250 people.
The materials recovered from the site indicated a wide range of
activities, including food procurement, processing, and storage, tool
manufacture and various other maintenance activities, and other sets of
behaviors loosely categorized as social or ritual. This range of acti­
vities is consistent with what would be expected at a village site with
all age and sex groups represented.
If interpretations of the changing uses of the site over time are
correct, then the demographic composition of the inhabitants would have
changed accordingly. The largest and most diverse population would
have been present during the warm season, particularly in the late
spring and early summer, providing a large labor supply for important
subsistence activities (e.g., spring field preparation and planting,

fish runs). Later in the summer, smaller segments of the community
might have undertaken other activities away from the site--perhaps
small groups hunting in the uplands or terraces, or focusing on other
types of resource procurement or trade expeditions. Other less mobile
segments of the population (perhaps women, the young, and the elderly),
might have remained at the site tending the crops, and continuing
floodplain foraging and various maintenance activities. After the fall
harvest, the inhabitants might have split into kinship-based groups to
disperse for hunting, and to live in smaller winter camps in more
sheltered locations. If segments of the population remained at the
sLte through the winter, they might have been those who were less
mobile.
5.1.4 Settlement Plan
184
The short-term nature of the Valley View occupation facilitates
study of the settlement plan. It is unfortunate, however, that the
site had been plowed and stripped of topsoil; if it had been
undisturbed, much more information might have been available on struc­
tures, activity areas, and the enclosure.
Distribution of features. Valley View was a compact settlement,
with a high density of features within the enclosure (ca. 14 per
100 m 2 ). The distribution of the features does not appear to be random
(Figure 6); however, the lack of evidence for structures makes this
distribution difficult to interpret. A ring of large features was

present around the perimeter of the site, just inside the stockade. As
185
discussed previously, these features were probably used initially as
borrow pits for earthen reinforcement of the palisade, and later filled
with refuse.
The settlement does seem to have been confined largely to the area
within the palisade (Figure.5). Four features were found just to the
north of the probable ditches; one (Feature 118) was a large pit that
might have been used for heat-treating chert. One additional feature,
probably some type of hearth, was uncovered by earthmoving equipment
over 50 m north of the stockade. In general, however, the density of
both artifacts and features dropped off abruptly at the inner ditch
stain. Flotation of matrix samples from cross-sections of the northern
enclosure stains revealed that the density of lithic, ceramic, and bone
fragments dropped from 17.3/liter inside the inner stain, to 2.5/liter
1n the inner ditch stain itself, to 1.4/liter between the ditches, to
O.6/liter in the outer ditch stain, to O.O/liter beyond the outer
stain. The enclosure evidently played a major role in limiting the
distribution of activities at the site.
Palisade. Understanding the nature and probable function of the
palisade and embankment is critical to understanding the overall role
of Valley View as a settlement. Its construction was an integral part
of the settlement strategies governing the occupation and abandonment
of the site.

Palisades were widely used by historic Native American groups
(e.g., Barrett 1933:53-76; Heidenreich 1978; Kellogg 1929; Trigger
1969). The historic palisades were quite variable in height,
thickness, and construction methods and materials. Many were reported
to have had multiple stockade lines, earthen reinforcements, and
various types of gates, watchtowers, and other special features. Some
had daub-covered or "plastered" surfaces, to reduce the danger of fire.
Many also had middens alongside them, the result of refuse being thrown
near or over the palisade wall.
Palisades have many functions other than defense--for example,
territorial demarcation, spatial control, social control or regulation,
and protection against animals or wind (Rowlands 1972; Tringham 1972).
In many cases, the physical setting or internal arrangement of a site
186
may adequately meet the needs for territorial demarcation or defense.
Tringham points out, however, that if a site in a naturally defensible
location (such as a hilltop or promontory) was modified by the
construction of additional means of demarcation (such as a wall, bank,
or ditch), then it is likelY that there was a defensive or protective
purpose involved (Tringham 1972:466).
Although the construction of defensive features in a naturally
defensible location usually signifies that the group perceived a need
for defense, it does not necessarily mean that the structures were used
in actual conflict--that the potential for conflict was realized.
Instead, the presence of defensive features might have broadcast a

message that the group was capable of defense, and this defensive
posture might have averted the need for actual confrontation.
187
Requirements for territorial demarcation or defense vary through
time, depending on the internal needs and external relationships of the
society. If defense is temporarily. assigned a high priority, other
settlement requirements might be compromised:
Settlements sited for defense need not be in the most convenient
position for social and economic activities and with
increased security there is a likelihood of finding the
movement or dispersal of settlements to sites better adapted
to everyday living. (Rowlands 1972:449-450)
It seems likely that the Valley View palisade was constructed
because of a perceived threat, or need for defense. First, the site
was situated in a naturally defensible setting that was supplemented
by the construction of a double stockade line reinforced with earth,
and two ditches on the most accessible side. In addition, the inten-
sive habitation was largely confined to the area within the stockade.
The Valley View palisade, however, probably reflects a potential
rather than a constant need for defense. If the inhabitants had been
under constant stress, it should be reflected in the use of resources
or raw materials, or access to exotic materials; there was no such evi-
dence. The short duration of the intensive occupation may reflect a
perceived short-term need for defense. When that need was less impor-.
tant, the settlement might have been moved to a location more suitable

for long-term habitation--perhaps elsewhere along the terrace, or
closer to the larger Mississippi floodplain.
188
Certain aspects of the Valley View assemblage would be interesting
to study from the perspective of social stress or need for defense.
For example, the homogeneity of ,the ceramic assemblage might be tied to
a strong emphasis on group ethnicity, while the presence of exotic raw
materials and other exchange items might reflect a need for the main­
tenance of external alliances. Even the abundance of dog remains might
be examined in light of defensive needs, since dogs kept by historic
Native Americans acted as alarms, signalling the presence of intruders.
5.1.5 Overall Settlement System
Valley View has been interpreted as a village or base settlement
with a single, short-term occupation, at which the potential for
defense was an important factor in site location and settlement plan.
Other village sites discovered so far in the region are larger than
Valley View, and usually have signs of longer-term or repeated occupa­
tion. These sites are located along the Mississippi terrace system,
usually with greater access to both floodplain resources and riverine
communication. They might have had a much lower potential for defense,
but a higher potential for long-term occupation without the depletion
of nearby resources.
It was concluded from the Valley View analysis that some upland
and terrace large-game hunting was undertaken during the mid- to late

189
summer, during the most intensive habitation of the base settlement.
Summer subsistence activities undertaken away from the site probably
would have included the use of short-term camps and extraction
stations; These smaller sites might have been located in almost any
setting--for example, along the terraces or in the uplands for hunting,
or in the floodplain for collection of high-density resources such as
shellfish. These short-term occupations would be far less visible
archaeologically than the base settlements, since they would have had a
lower density and narrower range of remains, and fewer features or
other physical alterations that would require a labor investment. Some
of these sites might not even be clearly identifiable as Oneota, if the
remains consisted only of lithics.
It was also concluded that Valley View was not used heavily--if at
all--in the winter, making smaller winter habitation sites likely.
These sites might have included small camps in sheltered locations,
such as upland valleys, or specialized locations such as rockshelters.
Open-air winter camps would also contain fewer and less diverse arti­
facts than villages, and would probably have fewer subsurface features.
It is not known whether the lack of winter activities at Valley View is
typical of other Oneota base settlements in the region, or whether it
is related to the apparent defensive role of the site.

5.2 Social Strategies
The Valley View analysis has provided limited evidence on the
internal organization,and internal and external social relationships of
its inhabitants, which should be studied more intensively in the
future.
5.2.1 Internal Organization and Social Relationships
One of the pronounced characteristics of the Valley View
assemblage is its homogeneity, particularly in ceramics--the Valley
View ceramics are more uniform in style than those from any of the
other large Oneota sites yet examined in the region. It is not yet
clear whether these differences reflect short-term versus long-term or
repeated occupations, or other aspects of social behavior.
190
The Valley View Site appears to have been used most intensively
during the warm season; as discussed in Section 5.1, there was little
evidence of a winter occupation, although there were indications that
the site had been used during the previous fall. It is possible that
the site was largely abandoned over the winter, and the community
dispersed to smaller winter settlements or moved elsewhere. It is not
known whether such a pattern would have held true for other base
settlements in the region, or is related to Valley View's apparent
defensive function. The possible significance of such a pattern of
aggregation and dispersal will be briefly discussed in Chapter 6.

5.2.2 External Relationships
Participation by the Valley View inhabitants in larger social
systems is evident in the similarity of its artifacts to those from
Oneota sites in other regions. In addition, there is good evidence for
long-distance exchange, and for a perceived need for defense.
191
Direct evidence for exchange includes catlinite, copper, galena,
'and exotic lithic raw materials. The lithic raw materials are espe­
cially interesting (Withrow 1983). The heavy use of Burlington/Keokuk
chert, together with the presence of some Galena Formation chert and
galena cubes or crystals, shows a southerly exchange orientation.
There is relatively little catlinite or orthoquartize (Hixton sili­
cified sandstone), and almost no Grand Meadows chert, all of which
reflect a more northern and western trade orientation. In the
La Crosse area, these latter materials are more common at sites that
have Perrot Punctate ceramics showing similarities to the Blue Earth
materials of Minnesota. The Valley View ceramic assemblage shows more
similarities to pottery of the Orr Phase, which has a more southerly
distribution than that of Blue Earth.
The need for defense is indicated by the construction of a double­
walled palisade, embankment, and ditches at a naturally defensible
setting. The likelihood of potential rather than constant conflict is
indicated by the lack of any indications of stress in access to raw
materials and other resources. The short-term nature of the primary
occupation suggests that other settlement requirements were compromised

in the selection of a defensible location; when defense was a lower
priority, these other considerations would have been more important
factors in settlement location.
192

CHAPTER 6. ONEOTA ADAPTATIONS TO THE LA CROSSE REGION
This chapter summarizes the information obtained from Valley View,
and from other Oneota sites in the region (Section 2.4.1), into a
general account of Oneota adaptations to the La Crosse region.
Concepts of adaptive or survival strategies (Jochim 1981; see,also
Kirch 1980) were found to provide a useful approach to summarizing this
information. This summary should help to guide future research in the
region by (1) synthesizing current information and interpretations;
(2) clarifying the relationships between elements of sUbsistence,
settlement, and social behavior; and (3) pointing out specific direc­
tions for further investigation.
Section 6.1 discusses the survival problems faced by the Oneota
occupants of the region--including hidden as well as perceived
problems. Section 6.2 suggests possible goals that would have
influenced or guided the decision-making processes involved in facing
these problems. Finally, Section 6.3 summarizes various strategies for
solving the survival problems.
6.1 Problems Faced by Oneota Societies
Jochim (1981, 1983) visualizes human societies as dynamic systems
that must solve certain types of problems in order to survive in their
constantly changing natural and social environments. Each society,
193

whatever its size or composition, operates within a set of opportuni­
ties and constraints in its environmental, technological, demographic,
and social spheres. The perceptions of the society members about these
194
opportunities and constraints lead them to choose certain courses of
action. Whether a chosen behavior is maintained depends on whether-­
and how soon, how often, and how strongly--it is reinforced. Short­
term and visible reinforcements are the most influential, whether they
are positive or negative (Jochim 1981:22-31).
An important factor in decision-making is that problems must be
perceived in order for solutions to be consciously sought. In prac­
tice, however, human societies possess incomplete knowledge. about them­
selves and their environments, and thus may face problems of which they
are totally unaware. Similarly, they may be unaware of some long-term
or secondary ramifications of particular sets of behavior. In the
analysis of human adaptative strategies, therefore, perceived problems
must' be differentiated from those ,that are hidden, in order to distin­
guish coincidental "from causal behavior (Jochim 1981:28-30).
Section 6.1.1 briefly describes the opportunities and constraints
faced by Oneota groups in their physical environment, technology,
demography, and social relationships. The specific subsistence
problems encountered within these conditions are discussed in Section
6.1.2; the social .problems, in Section 6.1.3.

6.1.1 Opportunities and Constraints
195
Physical environment. Many environmental conditions are important
to human groups: (1) the abundance, variety, types, and distribution
(both seasonal and geographic) of resources; (2) climatic conditions
such as temperature, seasonal variation, and precipitation (amount,
type, and seasonal distribution); and (3) physical characteristics of
the terrain, including soil types, ruggedness, vegetation cover, and
structure of drainage systems. Predictability and security are espe­
cially important factors: do the environmental conditions or resources
vary significantly over time or from one locality to another, and if
so, is the.variation predictable? Many environmental conditions are
easy to perceive; others, such as the relationships between different
elements of the environment, may be hidden to even the most knowledge­
able societies.
Section 2.3 described the physical environment of the La Crosse
region. For any societies living in this region, a critical charac­
teristic of the environment would have been the marked variation of
both resources and general environmental conditions during the year.
Annual variation in conditions also would have been important; some
resources would have been more predictable or dependable on a long-term
basis than others.. Another factor would have been regional variation
in resources, topography, soils, ease of. communication, and
microclimate--especially the contrast between the floodplain
"corridors" and the rest of the Driftless Area. Certain types of
environmental information would not have been available to these

societies, including the long-term or secondary effects of agriculture
and many other human activities, and long-term climatic change.
Technology. Technological capabilities and limitations are a
major factor in determining the courses of action open to any human
society. These choices are strongly influenced by the society's range
196
of tools or facilities, their ability to acquire, process, and store
resources, and their means of transportation and communication•
.
Oneota societies evidently devised successful means to extract,
process, and store a wide range of resources, as is illustrated by the
remains found at Valley View and other sites. In addition, they were
able to communicate and exchange goods over long distances, as is indi-
cated by exotic materials found at various La Crosse area sites--
copper, galena, Knife River chalcedony, obsidian, catlinite, exotic
cherts, and marine shell beads. Specific techniques used to procure
resources are not yet known; neither are any technological changes that
occurred within the time span of the Oneota tradition.
Demography. Regional population density, and the population size
and structure of local groups, are important factors in the development
of adaptive strategies. These factors are directly related to the
energy and other input requirements of each group, the size and com-
position of the labor force available for various tasks, the group's
reproductive potential, and its options and limitations for organiza-
tion and settlement.

197
Unfortunately, far too little is known about Oneota demographic
conditions in the La Crosse region (Stevenson 1984). Mortuary data are
scarce, and constitute a small, non-representative sample of the total
population. Site excavations have not yet provided adequate evidence
of local group size or composition. It is apparent, however, that a
wide range of activities took place at "village" sites such as Midway,
Pammel Creek, and Valley View, probably representing a full range of
age and sex groups. Furthermore, there was a large enough supply of
coordinated labor--at least at certain times--to undertake construction
activities such as the fortification of Valley View, and the building
and maintenance of ridged fields over large areas at Sand Lake and pro­
bably elsewhere as well.
Social systems. Internal sociopolitical organization is an
important aspect of every society, as are relationships to other social
systems. The structure of an internal sociopolitical system is
directly linked to the processes by which information is collected and
decisions are made (e.g., Moore 1983; Root 1983), and to the organiza­
tional potential of the society for coordinated group activities. This
structure is also linked to the degrees and types of social inter­
actions within the local group, to the development and maintenance of a
group "identity," and to the mechanisms for avoiding or resolving
conflict. On a larger scale, participation by local groups in larger
social systems broadens their access to information and resources from
other areas, and thus increases their strength and flexibility in

meeting new demands. Social interactions with unrelated groups may
include cooperative, neutral, or antagonistic relationships.
In general, the social and political organization of Oneota
societies is poorly understood. Geographic clusters of sites are
apparent, as are overall similarities in material culture assemblages,
the most similar of which are grouped into "phases" (see Section 2.1).
Regional developments probably reflect adaptations to specific natural
and social environments. The broad similarities in lifestyle and
198
material culture throughout the tradition, however, suggest that the
social groups responsible for these local manifestations also partici­
pated in larger social networks, perhaps with some sense of cultural
identity at a more general level. Oneota societies do not appear to
have had sociopolitical systems as complex as those of Middle
Mississippian societies.
6.1.2 Problems ·of Subsistence
Green (S. Green 1980a:213) defines subsistence as "a set of beha­
viors that manages the flow of food resources into a cultural system-­
food being defined as the calories, protein, vitamins, and minerals
necessary to maintain a human population." However, acquisition of raw
materials and the manufacture of tools are secondary, or supporting,
behaviors that are also subsistence-related; therefore, a society's
subsistence problems actually encompass meeting basic needs for energy,
nutrition, and raw materials. Underlying these factors, and guiding
the actual decision-making process, is the need for information (e.g.,

Moore 1983). Acquisition of resources represents one set of problems;
another is the "budgeting" or distribution of resources throughout the
society, throughout the year and, in some cases, from one year to the
next.
199
Energy. Energy is perhaps the most easily calculated subsistence
requirement, and has been the most commonly used "currency" of ecolo­
gically based subsistence studies (e.g., Christenson 1980; Earle 1980;
Odum 1971). Energy in food resources, however, may be a somewhat
"hidden" attribute, iess easily perceived than others such as taste,
variety, fattiness, or other standards of cultural preference. In a
group's decisions about resource use, subjective evaluations of each
resource are weighed- against the costs perceived in acquiring it--for
example, the time, distance, and risk involved in searching and pro­
curement (Jochim 1981, 1983; Keene 1983).
Nutrition. Nutritional value is another subsistence requirement
that is similarly hidden. The actual nutritional content of foods has
been ascertained only recently, through scientific research, and is
still not fully understood. To societies relying heavily on accumu­
lated practical experience, nutritional values of foods would be far
less apparent, and far less a factor in determining food preferences.
It can be argued that long-term selection would favor adequate intake
of all nutrients, and that the gradual accumulation of knowledge about
food sources would reflect this tendency. Long-range selective pro­
cesses, however, might have little bearing on the short-term decisions
of individual groups relying on their own knowledge of and experiences

an adequate supply, budgeted throughout the year and throughout the
population.
6.1.3 Problems of Social Organization and Relationships
202
Through complex decision-making processes, human societies develop
internal organization and structure as well as external relationships,
including participation in larger social systems. As in subsistence,
the factors consciously used in social decision-making processes are
those that are perceived; many problems, options, and secondary and
long-term consequences remain hidden. This section brieflY explores
the problems of social organization and relationships of Oneota
societies.
Internal organization and relationships. Each social group, no
matter what its size, must solve a variety of internal demographic and
organizational problems, as well as maintain an appropriate level of
group identity and cohesiveness. First, an adequate population and
labor supply must be maintained, both in numbers and in composition.
Second, organizational systems within the group must be able to coor­
dinate information flow, make decisions, and implement those decisions
(e.g., Moore 1983; Root 1983). Third, mechanisms also must be
established to avoid or resolve conflict between group members, an
inherent problem that becomes more complex as group size increases.
Finally, some sense of cultural identity must be maintained to ensure
group cohesiveness. Information on cultural identity is often encoded

in stylistic patterning, and may become especially important if the
group is faced with social stress (e.g., Hodder 1979).
203
The internal social organization of prehistoric Oneota societies
is a virtually unexplored topic. Ethnographic information on historic
Siouan-speaking groups provides some insights into the late Oneota
groups believed to have been related to them (e.g., Dobbs 1984; Griffin
1937, 1960; Henning 1970; Mott 1938; M. Wedel 1959). However, prehis­
toric Oneota groups faced a very different set of problems in their
natural and social environments than did their possible historic
descendants. For example, ethnographic accounts of the Ioway, who are
closely linked to the Oneota Orr Phase in Iowa, describe their social
organization after it had been radically affected by depopu1ation and
extensive contact with Plains cultures (Skinner 1916, 1926).
Archaeological analysis has also shed little light on Oneota
social organization. For example, neither the social implications of
the longhouses found at some sites, nor the settlement plans of village
sites, have yet been fully explored. Furthermore, analysis of the most
complex category of stylistically patterned Oneota artifacts--ceramics
---is still at the stage of identifying basic cultural and chronological
relationships.
Intergroup relationships. Local groups also must make decisions
about their relationships with other local groups, as well as their
participation in larger social systems. Relationships with some groups
might be antagonistic, especially if there is competition for resour-

205
another, depending on specific needs and priorities of each society,
and on the physical and social environment. The external relationships
of Oneota groups in the La Crosse region are problematic. Participa­
tion by local groups in some kind of larger social network is indicated
by the marked similarities in artifact styles to those in other
regions. Exchange networks are evidenced by the presence of long­
distance trade items, as well as by the distributions of lithic raw
materials and other source-specific items. However, the nature of
these larger, integrating social systems remains unexplained; perhaps
they were information and resource exchange networks, rather than
social or sociopolitical entities.
Oneota social relationships in the La Crosse region. Despite the
shortcomings in current knowledge about Oneota social organization and
relationships, certain basic problems can be identified that would have
been important to Oneota societies in the La Crosse region. Problems
related to internal social arrangements would have included (1) mainte­
nance of an adequate labor supply available for a wide range of sUb­
sistence activities, including some large-scale projects such as ridged
field agriculture; (2) some capacity for nucleation, in order to under­
take communal subsistence activites, and to meet needs for social
interaction within the group; (3) the capacity to keep internal
conflict or stress to an acceptable level; (4) maintenance of a system
to organize decision-making and the flow of information and resources;

and (5) development of means for promoting group cohesiveness and com­
municating group identity.
206
Problems in relationships with other groups would have included:
(1) maintenance of access to essential and preferred resources;
(2) establishment of alliances and contacts with related or unrelated
groups in other regions, in order to have access to more distant sour­
ces of information and resources, and the support of a larger social
network; and (3) development of a system for maintaining and verifying
information contacts, regulating exchange, and communicating cultural
identity.
The resulting social organization and relationships of Oneota
groups in the La Crosse region are bound to have changed over time,
because they involved dynamic systems operating in a dynamic environ­
ment.
6.2 Goals
In the process of making decisions, individuals and groups weigh
their options in the context of their goals or priorities. These goals
might not be consciously recognized. In subsistence-related behavior,
there are two basic categories of goals that influence decision-making:
subsistence security and subsistence efficiency (Jochim 1981:65-103).
Security. Subsistence security is based on the adequate distribu­
tion of resources throughout the year, and from one year to the next.
Security tends to be a higher priority in environments where resources

207
vary in abundance or availability, especially where the variation is
unpredictable. Distribution of resources throughout the year is espe­
cially important in areas with pronounced seasonal changes. Adequate
distribution from one year to another is most important in areas where
resources fluctuate either unpredictably or in multi-year cycles.
Becoming dependent on too few subsistence activities greatly diminishes
adaptive flexibility, a serious disadvantage in an unpredictable
environment.
Efficiency., Efficiency--that is, the ratio of output to input in
a system--is a more complex goal, one that is often oversimplified in
economic and ecological studies of human groups. The meaning most
often assigned to the term "efficiency" is energy efficiency, a concept
derived principally from evolutionary ecology (Keene ,1983). However,
as Jochim (1981:65-66) points out, there are actually three types of
efficiency in human subsistence: labor efficiency, time efficiency,
and land efficiency. It is important to remember that perceived effi­
ciency may be very 'different from actual efficiency in each of these
categories, since many of the secondary or long-term costs of behavior
are hidden.
As mentioned in Chapter 4, an example of a labor-efficient sub­
sistence activity is large game hunting, in which limited search time
and effort are often highly rewarded. Intensive agriculture and small
game hunting are less labor-efficient activities that require a greater
investment with less reward. The importance of labor efficiency in a

Settlement strategies integrate the previous two, and determine the
distribution of people over the landscape.
6.3.1 Subsistence Strategies
211
Oneota groups in the La Crosse region would have had a wide range
of options in the development of their subsistence strategies. Based
on the Valley View analysis, and evidence from other local excavated
sites, the available resources can be grouped into four basic
categories: large game, and floodplain, agricultural, and miscella­
neous resources.
Large game. Large game animals (deer, elk, bear, and possibly
bison) would have been available throughout the terraces and uplands
(Prairie, Oak Savanna, and Mixed Upland zones), and to some extent in
the floodplain forests. Many of these animals would have been scat­
tered fairly uniformly thoughout the area and would have been
available, at least in some parts of the region, at any time of the
year. Obtaining them would have involved some search time and effort,
but would have provided a high individual yield (Earle 1980; Jochim
1981). They also would have been important for byproducts such as
hides, sinews, and bones for manufacturing tools.,
Large game hunting would have had the advantage of fairly high
labor efficiency. It would have had two disadvantages, however.
First, large game (except, perhaps, for deer) would have been fairly
widely dispersed over the landscape, necessitating search time and
mobility in hunting. Second, it would have had limited expandability

212
as a resource base--intensification beyond certain limits would have
increased costs by decreasing the local population (Earle 1980).
In addition to requiring mobility, large-game hunting would have
entailed a moderate degree of risk. In many agricultural societies,
this kind of activity could be best pursued by adult males in the mid­
to late summer, while other segments of the population tended the
fields and undertook other subsistence activities. It would have been
less feasible when a larger labor supply was required for spring
planting, fall harvest, or collection of high-density resources, such
as during fish spawning runs. Large game, therefore, would have been a
fairly labor-efficient food supply, available for most of the year
(including in winter, when other resources were fairly scarce), but
accessible only to a relatively small segment of the population when
they were not needed for other activities.
Floodplain resources. Floodplain resources would have provided
another set of subsistence options. These resources were concentrated
along'the major waterways (Open Water, Wet Bottomlands, and Dry
Bottomlands zones), and, included aquatic fauna such as fish and naiads,
and riparian, marsh, or floodplain species of mammals, birds, turtles,
and edible plants. These resources would have varied significantly
throughout the year in abundance and availability. They would have
been most accessible in the warm season, and most densely concentrated
in the spring and summer.

y the largest segment of the population would have been most intensive
near the base settlements •. In areas farther away from the settlement,
214
the limited yield would have been outweighed by search and transpor­
tation costs, except in cases of densely aggregated or unusually pro­
ductive resources.
Agricultural resources. Agriculture would have provided a third
major set of resources. Oneota groups grew corn, beans, squash, and
tobacco, and perhaps other plants as well. Agricultural resources
offer several advantages: many of them can be stored; their distribu­
tion and availability are fairly predictable; and they are easy to
collect and process. They also provide an expandable resource base,
capable of almost unlimited increases in productivity through processes
of intensification (Earle 1980; Hastorf 1980). Agriculture may require
varying amounts of land, labor, and time, depending on the methods of
cultivation used. In general, intensification increases land effi­
ciency at the expense of labor and time efficiency.
Agricultural resources could have been produced by a number of
methods, from casual gardening to intensive agriculture. Brown defines
"intensive" agriculture as that producing a surplus (J. Brown
1982:110). Jochim, in contrast, describes intensification as a process
in which humans increasingly alter the natural systems that determine
basic growing requirements (e.g., water, soil fertility) in order to
boost productivity--at the expense of additional labor and time

215
(1981:134-135). This process increases land efficiency but decreases
both labor and time efficiency.
The density of agricultural remains at excavated sites in the
La Crosse region demonstrates -that Oneota groups concentrated on
growing three major cultigens: corn, beans, and squash. Gardening, or
more casual cultivation, would have furnished an adequate supply of
other crops such as tobacco. Until the 1982 excavations at the Sand
Lake Site, it was believed that the most likely locations for Oneota
agriculture were the drier fertile bottomlands (Gallagher and Stevenson
1982). It is now believed that ridged fields in poorly drained soils
were equally or more important, at least by the 1400s, when the Sand
Lake fields were in use (Gallagher et al. 1985). Historic accounts
indicate that ridged fields were also present on the broad, sandy
terraces near Valley View, adding a third potential location (Section
4.2.3).
Ridged field agriculture in the La Crosse region cannot be con­
sidered "intensive agriculture" in the same sense that the term might
be applied elsewhere. For example, it does not represent the same
degree of intensification as multicropping systems (Boserup 1965).
However, it does represent a significant step in the direction of
intensification, in that it involved extensive modification of the
landscape to alter natural growing conditions. In some cases, it might
have permitted annual cropping.

216
Casual gardening would have involved a relatively low proportion
of the labor supply for small-scale clearing, planting, tending, har­
vesting, and processing--a type of cultivation that could have been
undertaken in almost any setting. For more intensive agriculture, a
greater effort by a larger segment of the population would have been
required for every part of the process except routine tending. The
initial construction and annual maintenance of ridged fields would have
involved even higher labor requirements.
Agriculture would have been primarily a land-efficient strategy,
providing storable resources to meet the goal of subsistence security
throughout the year. Year-to-year security might have been enhanced by
the use of specific agricultural methods such as wetland ridged fields,
offsetting some fluctuations in growing conditions. It is not clear
why ridged fields were used in two such dissimilar settings; perhaps
they represent two different functions of the same technique, or
perhaps they represent a cultural pattern that was maintained even when
it did not have a direct function (i.e., an adaptively neutral trait).
Miscellaneous resources. As described in Chapter 4, this category
includes food resources that were not the targets of major subsistence
strategies, but formed a small but important component of the diet,
adding both variety and flexibility. These resources included domestic
dogs, other small mammals and birds, hickory and other nuts, fruits and
berries, and various other plant foods.

making and implementing decisions, and maintain an appropriate degree
218
of group identity and unity. Strategies extending beyond the group
regulate its relationships with other comparable groups, as well as its
participation in larger social systems.
Internal organization and group size. Among Oneota groups in the
La Crosse region, labor requirements for subsistence-related activites
would have varied considerably during the year. It appears, however,
that large enough work groups could be assembled to undertake such
projects as the construction and maintenance of ridged fields. Consi­
dering the large number of village sites in the region, it is likely
that nucleated populations were present at base settlements. Nucle­
ation would have increased the need for organization, decision-making,
and conflict resolution; however, there is no evidence of a complex
sociopolitical system such as that of Middle Mississippian societies.
A feasible strategy for solving these problems, without a complex
sociopolitical system, might have been to maintain flexibility in group
size and composition of local settlements. The entire local group
might have assembled at or near major settlements when subsistence
activities demanded a larger labor supply. At other times, the base
settlement could have been maintained by some segments of the group
while others dispersed as necessary to hunting camps, quarries or other
procurement stations, farmsteads, or even other regions. Aggregation
would have ensured a large labor supply and provided an opportunity for
social interactions. Periods of nucleation also would have fostered

terning (Hodder 1979), leading to homegeneous artifact assemblages such
as that at Valley View.
6.3.3 Settlement Strategies
222
Settlement strategies arise from compromises between conflicting
feeding, procurement, and social requirements. The resulting decisions
determine the distribution of a population over the landscape through­
out the year, as well as the permanence, location, size, and composi­
tion of each settlement (Jochim 1981:148-163).
In the La Crosse region, the largest Oneota archaeological sites
were undoubtedly used as base settlements or villages. These sites
display a high density and wide variety of artifacts and features.
They were probably occupied by aggregated local groups in the spring
to early fall, to meet agricuiture_related subsistence needs and social
needs for communal interactions. Hunting might have been undertaken by
portions of the community in the mid- to late summer, between planting
and harvesting. The base settlements might have been either abandoned
or maintained by smaller segments of the population in the winter,
while other segments dispersed for hunting. As discussed in the pre­
vious section, a flexible settlement system of this type would have
reduced potential conflict within the group, without a highly complex
sociopolitical system.
The specific locations chosen for Oneota villages would have
depended on the "pull" exerted by resources and other needs (Sasso

223
1983a). For subsistence purposes, the most favorable locations would
have been those near important food resources--especially high-density
resources that could be collected by a large, non-specialized segment
of the population. The proximity of Oneota sites to floodplains
probably exemplifies this pattern.
Villages also might have been situated near agricultural land.
Close proximity of base settlements to agricultural fields would have
been preferable, especially for long-term or repeated occupation. More
distant fields might have been tended by part of the group, however, if
other considerations (e.g., a defensible location) were more important
in choosing village sites, or if prime agricultural land was limited in
its distribution.
Physical characteristics of potential village locations would have
been important in their selection. Level, well-drained sites certainly
would have been preferable--especially those with easily worked soils
for digging storage pits and other subsurface features. Access to
water would have been essential. The relative importance of accessibi­
lity of the site or views of the surrounding area would have depended
on the perceived need for defense. In more secure times, a good view
might have been considered adequate protection; in less secure times, a
defensible location might have been selected, perhaps even supplemented
by defensive structures.
In the La Crosse region, most Oneota base settlements appear to
have been situated along the major river terraces. As described in

Section 2.3, these terraces are level and well drained, and would have
224
been close to floodplain resources, agricultural soils, and riverine
communication routes. The uplands and small valleys, in contrast, do
not have extensive wetlands or navigable streams, making them less
suitable for large base settlements.
The sizes of base settlements probably varied according to the
sizes of their occupying groups, and their social needs for arrangement
or proximity of structures•. Base settlements might have ranged from
compact villages to loose settlement clusters. Valley View, for
example, might represent a compact settlement reflecting a potential
need for defense. Other sites such as Pammel Creek, Olson, or Midway,
are larger and in less defensible settings, and might represent larger
settlement clusters.
Archaeological interpretation of base settlements is complicated
by the lack of large-scale excavations, and by the likelihood that many
of these sites were reoccupied. Village sites are recognizable because
of the abundance and variety of artifacts and features. The size of
individual occupations might be difficult to distinguish at reoccupied
sites, since artifact density can reflect either the duration of a
single occupation or the extent of reoccupation. However, a reoccupied
site should be discernible by the distribution and structure of its
features, and the number of overlapping or superimposed features.
Other site types within the Oneota settlement system probably
included short-term sites, with functions that complemented those of

the base settlements. These sites would have been used by segments of
225
the local group for activities undertaken away from the base settle­
ments. Specialized extraction sites or short-term camps were probably
established on the terraces, in the uplands, in smaller valleys, and in
floodplains for procurement of wild plants, game, lithic raw materials,
and other resources. Agricultural farmsteads might have existed if
fields were located away from the base settlement.
Archaeological identification of these smaller habitation sites
undoubtedly will prove difficult. Features, structures, and other
investments of labor are less likely at sites intended for short-term
occupation, as are dense habitation remains. Small hunting camps, for
example, might have left few remains besides lithics; even these might
not. be clearly identifiable as Oneota, as in the case of small triangu­
lar projectile points.
Separate sites also might have been established for mortuary or
other social/ceremonial purposes. Oneota burials in the La Crosse
region have been found in one blufftop mound, and three cemeteries
that were apparently near village sites (Stevenson 1984). In other
cases, burials have been found in and around village sites, both in
isolated graves and in large mortuary areas around the site perimeter.
Variation in mortuary practices can result from such factors as
differences in status or role of the individual, or the season of
death. The relationship between village and mortuary sites might have
been linked to the expected use of each village: the investment in

mortuary activities might be greater at villages expected to be
occupied for a longer time.
6.4 Changes Through Time
226
Environmental and cultural changes are inevitable in any human­
ecological system, and the adaptive strategies of Oneota groups in the
La Crosse region undoubtedly changed through time.
Environmental change. Environmental change occurs naturally, as
in the case of climatic change, and can also be brought about through
human activities such as agriculture, land clearance, or intensive
foraging. Environmental changes can affect a society in many ways--by
altering the abundance, predictability, or availability of resources;
by increasing competition for resources; or by changing the relative
merits of various procurement methods.
What environmental changes might have been brought about by the
Oneota remains unclear. Intensive exploitation of wetlands, agricul­
ture, or prairie burning could have had important effects on local
ecosystems and the physical environment. For example, the wetland
ridged fields at the Sand Lake Site were buried by a large alluvial fan
that seems to have formed rapidly, after the fields were in use
(Gallagher et al. 1985). One explanation being explored is that of
deforestation of the slopes above the fields, which in turn might have
triggered the erosion that formed the fan.

227
The nature and effects of local climatic changes during the Oneota
occupation are not yet fully understood. Nevertheless, there are some
intriguing suggestions that climatic conditions might have had impor­
tant effects on Oneota agriculture--and, consequently, on the Oneota
occupation as a whole. For example, the most intensive occupation
seems to have occurred during the last part of the Pacific climatic
episode (see Section 2.1.3). Although most of the Pacific brought
warm, dry conditions to the central United States, the last portion
(ca. A.D. 1450-1550) might have witnessed a reversion to moister con­
ditions of the preceding Neo-Atlantic. At approximately A.D. 1550,
however, a pronounced cooling marked the onset of the Neo-Boreal.
Interestingly, it is at about this time that the Oneota occupation of
the region ceased. The cooling associated with the Neo-Boreal might
have had a significant impact on Oneota corn agriculture; even if the
decrease in overall· temperature was slight, the length or character of
the growing season might have been considerably altered (Green
1984:11-13).
The occurrence of ridged fields in two different settings around
·La Crosse is especiallY interesting in this light. The fields at Sand
Lake, for example, were in a relatively cool, moist location, where
their primary function is believed to have been moisture control
(Gallagher et al. 1985). The fields noted on the sandy La Crosse River
terraces in historic accounts are in a much warmer, drier location--one
more consistent with their interpretation as microclimatic frost­
drainage devices in eastern Wisconsin. If the terrace fields do

228
correspond to the Valley View occupation, then they were probably in
use in the late fifteenth or early sixteenth century, somewhat later
than the Sand Lake ridged fields (see Table 1). Perhaps these fields
represent application of the same technique for a different function,
tied to climatic fluctuations and cooling towards the end of the
Pacific and beginning of the Neo-Boreal. On the other hand, they might
represent a persistent cultural pattern that did not necessarily have a
direct microclimatic function--at least, not in every application.
Cultural change. Cultures can and do change in many ways over
time. The size of a local group or the population density of a region
can change. Technological developments can alter the needs for raw
materials and perceived options, and can affect social requirements
such as organizational and decision-making systems. Changes in social
organization, priorities, or goals can occur through either internal
developments or outside influence. Relationships with other groups can
alter in response to changes in the other groups (such as movement,
expansion, or different resource requirements), or through changes in
the perceived costs or benefits of interactions with them.
Changes in Oneota group size or regional population density, or
other types of social change that might have affected Oneota groups in
the La Crosse region, have not yet been identified. Technological
developments also are poorly.understood--for example, it is not yet
known whether the technique of ridged field agriculture was used
throughout the entire occupation of the region.

229
Although the Oneota occupation of the region seems to date to a
relatively brief period, there seems to be significant variation in
ceramics and other elements of material culture. The development of
the La Crosse area adaptation and its relationships to the Orr and Blue
Earth manifestations in Iowa and Minnesota, are topics greatly in need
of further study.
Also of interest are any factors contributing to social stress,
population movement, and the eventual abandonment of the area by Oneota
groups. It is intriguing, for example, that the fortified Valley View
Site dates to late within the occupation. Enclosures are found at a
number of Oneota sites west of the Mississippi, and may be tied to the
later Orr manifestations that are well known from early research in the
area (e.g., M. Wedel 1959). These fortified sites are in need of addi­
tional investigation.
Possible effects of the onset of the Neo-Boreal on Oneota
societies have already been mentioned. However, these societies-­
especially those along the major waterways--might also have been radi­
cally affected by diseases introduced through European contact in other
regions. New research has suggested that hemisphere-wide epidemics
might have occurred as early as the early to mid-1500s (Green 1984),
which would also coincide with the apparent abandonment of the
La Crosse area by Oneota groups, and their apparent movement westward.
The forces at work among late prehistoric societies were undoub­
tedly complex. Major factors such as disease and climatic change,

whether operating individually or in concert, could have radically
230
altered the distribution and adaptive strategies of Oneota societies
throughout the Midwest. They also might have contributed to social
instability and stress, reflected in the presence of fortifications at
many late prehistoric sites.

CHAPTER 7. SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS
This chapter summarizes the goals, approaches, and results of this
study, and presents suggestions for future research.
7.1 Summary of Study
The subject of this study was subsistence-related behavior among
the Oneota inhabitants of the La Crosse region of western Wisconsin.
Its primary aim was to analyze subsistence-related behavior at the
Valley View Site, a fortified Oneota village near La Crosse.
The 1979 excavations at the Valley View Site produced numerous.
artifacts, organic remains, and features, and information on the
overall settlement plan. This information was examined to determine
the subsistence strategies, and related elements of settlement and
social strategies, evident at the site.
Subsistence strategies. Four basic subsistence strategies were
identified: (1) Agriculture was important, and was probably practiced
on the terraces near the site, and perhaps in the floodplain. It would
have been a "land-efficient" subsistence activity that involved a large
proportion of the community during the warm season, especially for
planting and harvesting, and produced a high density of predictable,
storable resources per unit of land. (2) Floodplain foraging was also
231

important, and involved the collection of numerous resources during the
warm season. This land-efficient, low-risk activity would have
involved all segments of the community, and would have been most inten­
232
sive near the base settlement. (3) Large-game hunting, primarily in
the terraces and uplands, was a more labor-efficient subsistence acti­
vity that supplied a large proportion of the diet. It would have
involved smaller, more specialized segments of the community, probably
in the late fall and winter and, to a lesser extent, the mid- to late
summer. (4) Miscellaneous resources, not part of the basic strategies
(e.g., dogs, miscellaneous small animals, wild plant foods) were also
used. Although not major components of the diet, these resources would
have added variety and flexibility at a low cost in labor and sche­
duling.
The subsistence data from the Valley View Site should undergo
further study. For example, additional indicators of seasonality
(e.g., annuli in fish scales and naiad cross-sections) could be
examined to refine seasonality interpretations. A more detailed exami­
nation of feature types, and the depositional zones within them, would
also be useful. For example, now that important seasonality attributes
for these features have been identified, it would be interesting to
test seasonality interpretations or examine feature types through
numerical taxonomy.
Comparative studies of these subsistence remains and those from
other excavated sites would help to test the interpretations of subsis-

types, including. short-term camps, extraction stations, and winter
camps.
Additional research on Oneota settlement strategies in the
234
La Crosse region should include continued systematic surveys, to pro­
vide a more representative sample and better understanding of site
types and locations in the region--especially sites other than villa­
ges. In addition, further analysis of settlement patterns--including
individual settlement plans, reoccupation patterns, and activities
carried out at different site types--would help to clarify the interre­
lationships between subsistence and settlement behavior. Additional
analyses of site locations, and the relationships between sites and
their settings, would also be extremely useful.
Social strategies. The intra-group and external social relation­
ships of the Valley View occupants were considered only briefly.
Internal social relationships were viewed as governed by a sociopoliti­
cal system far less complex than those of Middle Mississippian soci­
eties. Flexible aggregation at base settlements (particularly during
the warm season) and dispersal from them (especially during the winter)
was interpreted as one mechanism through which a sufficient labor
supply for subsistence activities could be assembled and opportunities
for communal social interactions could be provided, at the same time
that internal conflict was kept to an acceptable level, without a
complex sociopolitical system.

235
External social relationships were viewed as potentially coopera­
tive, neutral, or antagonistic. Cooperative relationships would have
averted conflict between potential competitors, and provided infor­
mation and resources over a wider area; theY are evidenced by long­
distance trade materials. Antagonistic relationships, or at least the
potential for them, are indicated by the defensive features of the
site.
In future research, assembling basic information on local Oneota
populations and the overall demography of the region would help to
clarify many aspects of the social environment. The nature of Oneota
social structures should also be examined, especially from the perspec­
tive of decision-making and information-processing· systems. Studies of
mortuary populations could reveal information on social organization, as
well as biological relationships and nutritional status. External
social relationships could be examined, within a detailed chronological
framework, to see what kinds of cooperative relationships are reflected
in exchange and communication patterns, and what kinds of antagonistic
relationships might have resulted in a need for avoidance or defense.
The function of stylistic patterning in transmitting encoded ethnic and
other social information could also be explored.

7.2 Further Interpretations
236
The Valley View analysis provided insights useful for studying
other aspects of the Oneota occupation of the area, and of the distri­
bution and nature of the Oneota tradition.
Regional sequence. The Oneota occupation of the La Crosse region
appears to have been brief, yet shows interesting internal variation
and external relationships. As described in Section 3.3.10, radiocar­
bon dates from Oneota sites in the region show a marked clustering in
the fifteenth century. Except for two anomalous (and probably
erroneous) Valley View dates, only two dates fall within the fourteenth
century; both are'associated with Blue Earth-like materials. Only two
dates extend into the sixteenth century (Valley 'View and Midway). The
factors involved in the occupation and abandonment of the region by
Oneota groups are undoubtedly complex. However, as discussed in
Section 6.4, two possible factors are especially intriguing: climatic
change, and the effects of European contact to the east.
Oneota materials in the region show intriguing similarities to
those of two nearby regional manifestations --the Orr Phase of
northeastern Iowa, and the Blue Earth Phase of southern Minnesota. The
meaning of these similarities is unclear, as are their implications for
the regional sequence. Blue Earth-like manifestations in the region
might predate the Orr-like manifestations, with the most Orr-like site
of all, Valley View, falling at the later end of the spectrum. On the
other hand, there might be considerable overlap between the two

237
manifestations; a feature at the Herbert Site, near Sand Lake, con­
tained Blue Earth-like pottery but dated to the mid- to late 1400s.
The study of cultural relationships and the regional sequence
should be approached from several directions, including (1) obtaining
additional radiocarbon dates from carefully selected contexts;
(2) conducting comparative ceramic studies to examine the nature and
patterning of·stylistic variation, focusing on the relationships of
La Crosse area ceramics to Blue Earth and Orr materials; (3) under­
taking studies of lithic raw material distribution and use;
(4) identifying contemporaneous sites; and (5) identifying any site
characteristics, artifacts, single attributes, or behavior patterns
that appear to change through time. It will be especially important to
determine the relationships between Orr-like and Blue Earth-like
materials at the sites where both occur, including Midway Village. At
an area recently investigated near the Sand Lake Site, for example;
both types of ceramics were found, but appeared to be spatially segre­
gated (Robert Boszhardt, personal communication).
It would also be useful to compare the La Crosse area materials to
those from northeastern Iowa in more detail. One intriguing possibi­
lity is that Orr Phase Oneota groups moved westward from the La Crosse
area through northeastern Iowa, beginning in the mid-1500s. This west­
ward movement might have occurred in response to factors discussed
earlier, including climatic change or disease, and might have resulted
in increasing emphasis on bison hunting.

Adaptive strategies. The adaptive strategies summarized in
238
Chapter 6 are applicable primarily to the Driftless Area environment,
with its rugged topography and well-defined corridors of riverine
resources and communication. The overall adaptive strategy, with its
mixture of large-game hunting, agriculture, and wetland resources, is
similar to that described for Oneota groups in other regions (e.g.,
J. Brown 1982; Overstreet 1981). Regional variation within this
flexible overall adaptive strategy appears to be closely related to
environmental differences. By changing either the emphasis on, or the
specific activities within, any of the three major subsistence strate­
gies, the same overall strategy can be applied to many different
environments, including the grasslands of the Plains or areas with
lacustrine wetlands (such as eastern Wisconsin).
The adaptation postulated for Oneota groups in the La Crosse
region involves nucleation along major waterways. It also emphasizes
placement of a high priority on land efficiency in subsistence
activities--particularly agriculture and riverine wetlands exploita­
tion. In the glaciated environment of eastern Wisconsin, wetlands
occur in a wider range of settings, to which the same set of strategies
could have been extended. In the western grasslands, a greater empha­
sis on communal hunting would have been related to the greater availa­
bility of bison. In all of these settings, however, the overall
adaptive strategy--the "mixed economy"--would have remained the same.

Altering elements of subsistence behavior would also change
related elements of social and settlement behavior. Nevertheless, such
changes could be made without altering important underlying charac­
239
teristics of Oneota cultures--for example, their apparent emphasis on
long-distance communication between related groups, and their relative
lack of sociopolitical complexity compared to Middle Mississippian
cultures.
The emphasis on riverine environments in the Oneota adaptation to
the Driftless Area is similar to the emphasis on "meander-belt zones"
as the adaptive niche of Middle Mississippian groups (Smith 1978b:
480-488). This latter environment, as Smith points out, is an
extremely high-energy zone, since it is subsidized by additional energy
entering the ecosystem through water-borne nutrients (see also Jochim
1981; Odum 1975). Furthermore, it contains circumscribed areas of
prime agricultural land, and unusually concentrated food resources
along river channels, oxbow lakes, swamps, and levees.
In fact, there do appear to be many similarities between the adap­
tive strategies postulated for La Crosse-area Oneota groups and Smith's
descriptions of Middle Mississippian adaptations (1975, 1978b). There
are even some similarities in settlement strategies, such as the loca­
tion of major sites near highly important floodplain zones.
Important differences between the Oneota and Middle Mississippian
strategies involve complexity and flexibility. Middle Mississippian
societies seem to have been more complex and more highly structured in

many respects, including site types and their relationships, settlement
240
plans, and sociopolitical organization. Middle Mississippian settle­
ment strategies, for example, included hierarchies of permanent settle­
ment· types --such as small, dispersed settlements associated with
larger, often fortified villages (e.g., the Gypsy Joint and Powers Fort
sites, Smith 1978a). Oneota societies, in addition to displaying less
complexity, also appear to have been more flexible, with considerable
variation in subsistence and settlement strategies, and probably in
social organization.
Further research on the Oneota tradition from the perspective of
adaptive strategies would be extremely helpful. As described in
Section 2.1, many different concepts have been developed of the tradi­
tion and the types of cultural relationships it might reflect. I
picture the Oneota tradition as a collection of archaeological cultures
that reflect some form of social or information network--not neces­
sarily correlated with any social or linguistic entity. Perhaps some
of the .similarities evident throughout the archaeological tradition
(particularly in subsistence, social, and settlement behavior) parallel
the overali adaptive strategies of Oneota cultures--which are broadly
similar throughout the tradition, and very different from those of
Woodland and Middle Mississippian societies.
Future research. This study has pursued only one of a vast number
of research approaches that can be undertaken with Oneota materials.
Taxonomic and culture-historical studies certainly still have an impor-

tant role to play, but should be problem-specific. As Gibbon (1982b)
has pointed out, processual models may be one of the most profitable
approaches in future research, but they will require careful construc­
tion of a body of comparative data, and critical evaluation of the con­
cepts and assumptions underlying them. New approaches to regional
studies, including analyses of regional sequences and adaptive strate­
gies, should prove especially beneficial.
241
The Oneota tradition represents an important stage of late pre­
historic cultural development throughout eastern and midwestern North
America. More detailed study of the tradition should continue to pro­
vide impqrtant new information on the evolution of social complexity
and adaptive strategies throughout North America.

Figure 3. Oneota Sites in the La Crosse Vicinity
(contour interval = 100')
244

o
•o
N
-
mi
km
3-5
245
ECONOMIC ZONES
Mixed Uplands
Oak Savanna
Prairie
Dry Bo t tomlands
Wet Bottomlands
Water
Figure 4. Distribution of Economic Zones in the La Crosse Region.
(contour interval = 100')

h
a b
e
o
c d
f
k
2 em.
9
249
Figure 8. Lc34 Oneota Lithics: (a,b) reverse and obverse of endscraper
with pointed, bifacially worked proximal end, Feature 48;
(c,d) unifacial endscrapers, Feature 238 and plow zone; (e-g)
triangular projectile points, plow zone and Feature 81; (h) knife,
Feature 264; (i-k) drills, plow zone; (1) perforator, surface.

."
c
a
e
b
(Q d
o 2cm.
Figure 9. Lc34 Miscellaneous Artifacts-: (a,b) broken, corner-notched
Woodland projectile points, plow zone; (c) sandstone abrader,
surface; (d) copper coil fragment, plow zone; (e) dark grey historic
gunflint, base of plow zone; (f) historic kaolin pipe stem fragment,
plow zone.
250

c
a
·0 2cm.
251
Figure 10. Lc34 Ceramics: Handles with vertical finger trails.
(a) Feature 82; (b,c) plow zone.

c
a
'0 I 2 ............ em.
Figure 11. Lc34 Ceramics: (a) handle with punctates made with hollow object, Feature 81;
(b) handle with punctates and pinching at the bottom, Feature 128; (c) handle with
vertical rows of punctates and tool trails, Feature 226; (d) loop handle with finger
impressions, plow zone.
d
'"
V1
'"

3cm
, I , !
Figure 13. Lc34 Ceramics: Vessel portion,· Feature 73. Tool impressions on lip top; unusual
shoulder design consisting of rows of "stab-'and-drag" tool impressions--one horizontal row
just below the neck, and diagonal rows running down the shoulder.
V1 '"
..,

s-
,
!
o IN 20
rIiCiiii'
o eM 50
..._...... 1 :
...-.....'
3
•, '_........ 2
..........
10
4
6
A
8
5
9
PZ
,,
,I
.-'
15
10
261
-->-"'-17 21
Figure 20. Northern Palisade Cross Section: (a) inner
stockade stain; (b) outer stockade stain.
B
-N

(APPROX IMATE)
o 100 FT
o 30M
Figure 21. T.R. Lewis map of Lc34 in 1885, showing the
embankment surrounding the site, and two ditches
paralleling the embankment from point 12 to point 16
(redrawn from Lewis n.d.: opp 45).
262

•
Flgure ..22. Lewis's Enclosure Superimposed on 1979 Site Map. The
heavy dashed line shows the approximate center line of the embankment
mapped by T. H. Lewis in 1885 (Lewis n.d.). The shape and
size of the enclosure are reconstructed from his measurements,
rather than from his map (Figure 21).
263

5 v6
2
"-.-/
9 10 11 12
14 15
'CO:: J
17 18 19
C7
em
I
I
I
I,
0 120
Figure 23. Posthole Profiles
4
264
16

N
-
o
•o km
3
•5 ECONOMIC ZONES
1'1 Mixed Uplands
roWJj 0 Oak Savanna
18 Prairie
9 Dry Bottomlands
GWet Bottomlands
• Water
""""'''''
Figure 25. Lc34 Economic Zones and Site Catchment. Each
concentric ring represents a 24-minute walk; the outer
catchment boundary represents a two-hour walk.
266

s
'\
'\
o,C::=:J__20CM
\
\
8 {below fCR loyerl
, ...
... _-----
'\
8 (below FCR loyerl
FIGURE 26. FEATURE 35 PROFILES
I
N
267

s N
sw
3
2
FEATURE 66
IA
FEATURE 74
'" II: Ie' lit
\ i
I
\ /
\ 1 I
'8 -_e
, " _ _ _ _ 2_ _ _ _ __/
--------
.... 3 /
FEATURE 76
FIGURE 35. FEATURES 66, 74, AND 76
276
OCi==-_ 20em
c:::=-_ 20em
Isketehed profile)
0' 20cm

w
E
0 '
oe
' =--
45
20cm
35
25
"",,"'
p
fI

w
oe
l =-- 2
E =lI
5
I ,
, ;
" , 28
I
, ,
w
8
280
3-_---__-.x--,E
5
6
FEATURE 100
9
0' 20cm
FEATURE 106
Ole I =-_ 20cm
FEATURE 108
FIGURE 39. FEATURES 100, 106, AND 108

0' 20cm
OC'==-_ 20cm
FEATURE 109
W_,---lt -U--_.,....E
FEATURE 112
FIGURE 40. FEATURES 109, 112, AND 113
E
281

sw F.129 F.128 F.273
o l20cm
FIGURE 44. FEATURES 126, 128, 129, AND 273
1
285

NE
,
,
,,,,
,
,
....-
0' 20cm --------
FEATURE 141
(.ketch profi Ie)
OC:'==-__ 20 em
w E
FEATURE 146
N
5
-,-------- - -----;::----r-
\ - -'- - - I
\ I
\ 2 I
\ I
\- - - - - - - - - - - - -t
.... .I
(sketch)
....
.....
3
- ------ - ."
"
"
OCt==-"_20cm
FEATURE 147
FIGURE 45. FEATURES 141, 146, AND 147
3
286
sw