Betrayal of the American Right - Ludwig von Mises Institute
Betrayal of the American Right - Ludwig von Mises Institute Betrayal of the American Right - Ludwig von Mises Institute
Introduction xiii full-length books might be gleaned from the issues Rothbard raises here. It is safe to say that very few Americans, conservatives included—indeed, especially conservatives—know that some of the most consistent and outspoken opponents of Harry Truman’s early Cold War measures were budget-conscious Republicans, ideologically averse to international crusades. Senator Robert A. Taft, for instance, was the most prominent if perhaps the least consistent of the Republican noninterventionists who greeted Harry Truman’s early Cold War policies with skepticism. Taft was critical of the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan, and NATO, each of which he viewed as either unnecessarily provocative or ruinously expensive. Taft, along with lesser-known figures from the House and Senate like George Bender, Howard Buffett, and Kenneth Wherry, constituted the political arm of the Old Right. Contrary to the erroneous impression of left-liberalism as antiwar and peace-loving, voices of mainstream liberalism adopted the standard interventionist line against the “isolationist” heretic: Taft, wrote the prominent liberal columnist Richard Rovere, was an unsuitable presidential candidate in 1948 since the next president “should be an executive of the human race . . . who will boldly champion freedom before the world and for the world . . . [which] Taft simply could not do.” Likewise, The Nation called Taft and his allies in Congress “super-appeasers” whose policies “should set the bells ringing in the Kremlin.” 2 Naturally, for his efforts Rothbard was himself red-baited from time to time by people on the Right. That his anti-Communist credentials were as bulletproof as one could ask for hardly seemed to matter: he opposed the global anti-Communist crusade, and that was what counted. Ironically, it was precisely Rothbard’s contempt for Communism that persuaded him that an ongoing military campaign against it, one that would surely have terrible short- and long-term consequences for American society and government (not 2 John Moser, “Principles Without Program: Senator Robert A. Taft and American Foreign Policy,” Ohio History 108 (1999): 177–92.
xiv The Betrayal of the American Right to mention the mischief it could cause abroad), was actually unnecessary: Ludwig von Mises had already shown the insuperable obstacles that confronted truly socialist economies; and the Soviet Union’s acquisition of a string of satellites each of which was an economic basket case in need of subsidy did not seem like an especially menacing imperial strategy. Old Right members of Congress like Howard Buffett argued, to the cheers of Rothbard, that the cause of freedom in the world was to be advanced by the force of American example rather than by the force of arms, and that American interventionism would play into the hands of Soviet propaganda that portrayed the U.S. as a self-interested imperialist rather than a disinterested advocate for mankind. Here was the traditional libertarian position, drawn from the great statesmen of the nineteenth century, the era of classical liberalism. Thus Richard Cobden, the great British classical liberal, had once said: England, by calmly directing her undivided energies to the purifying of her own internal institutions, to the emancipation of her commerce . . . would, by thus serving as it were for the beacon of other nations, aid more effectually the cause of political progression all over the continent than she could possibly do by plunging herself into the strife of European wars. 3 Likewise, Henry Clay, not himself a classical liberal, nevertheless summed up the practically unanimous opinion of mid-nineteenthcentury America: By the policy to which we have adhered since the days of Washington . . . we have done more for the cause of liberty than arms could effect; we have shown to other nations the way to greatness and happiness. . . . Far better is it for ourselves, for Hungary, and the cause of liberty, that, adhering to our pacific system and avoiding the distant wars of Europe, 3 Richard Cobden, “Commerce is the Great Panacea,” in The Political Writings of Richard Cobden, F.W. Chesson, ed. (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1903), vol. 1, p. 35.
- Page 2 and 3: THE BETRAYAL OF THE AMERICAN RIGHT
- Page 4 and 5: THE BETRAYAL OF THE AMERICAN RIGHT
- Page 6: To the memory of Howard Homan Buffe
- Page 10 and 11: INTRODUCTION It is a cliché of pub
- Page 12 and 13: Introduction xi interfered with the
- Page 16 and 17: Introduction xv we should keep our
- Page 18 and 19: Introduction xvii that is relevant
- Page 20 and 21: Introduction xix of foreign interve
- Page 22 and 23: PREFACE TO THE 1991 REVISION The ma
- Page 24 and 25: Preface xxiii make. 3 I had tried,
- Page 26 and 27: 1 TWO RIGHTS, OLD AND NEW In the sp
- Page 28 and 29: 2 ORIGINS OF THE OLD RIGHT I: EARLY
- Page 30 and 31: Origins of the Old Right I: Early I
- Page 32: Origins of the Old Right I: Early I
- Page 35 and 36: 10 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 37 and 38: 12 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 39 and 40: 14 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 41 and 42: 16 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 43 and 44: 18 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 45 and 46: 20 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 47 and 48: 22 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 49 and 50: 24 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 51 and 52: 26 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 53 and 54: 28 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 55 and 56: 30 The Betrayal of the American Rig
- Page 58 and 59: 5 ISOLATIONISM AND THE FOREIGN NEW
- Page 60 and 61: Isolationism and the Foreign New De
- Page 62 and 63: Isolationism and the Foreign New De
Introduction xiii<br />
full-length books might be gleaned from <strong>the</strong> issues Rothbard raises<br />
here.<br />
It is safe to say that very few <strong>American</strong>s, conservatives<br />
included—indeed, especially conservatives—know that some <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
most consistent and outspoken opponents <strong>of</strong> Harry Truman’s early<br />
Cold War measures were budget-conscious Republicans, ideologically<br />
averse to international crusades. Senator Robert A. Taft, for<br />
instance, was <strong>the</strong> most prominent if perhaps <strong>the</strong> least consistent <strong>of</strong><br />
<strong>the</strong> Republican noninterventionists who greeted Harry Truman’s<br />
early Cold War policies with skepticism. Taft was critical <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />
Truman Doctrine, <strong>the</strong> Marshall Plan, and NATO, each <strong>of</strong> which<br />
he viewed as ei<strong>the</strong>r unnecessarily provocative or ruinously expensive.<br />
Taft, along with lesser-known figures from <strong>the</strong> House and<br />
Senate like George Bender, Howard Buffett, and Kenneth<br />
Wherry, constituted <strong>the</strong> political arm <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Old <strong>Right</strong>.<br />
Contrary to <strong>the</strong> erroneous impression <strong>of</strong> left-liberalism as antiwar<br />
and peace-loving, voices <strong>of</strong> mainstream liberalism adopted <strong>the</strong><br />
standard interventionist line against <strong>the</strong> “isolationist” heretic: Taft,<br />
wrote <strong>the</strong> prominent liberal columnist Richard Rovere, was an<br />
unsuitable presidential candidate in 1948 since <strong>the</strong> next president<br />
“should be an executive <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> human race . . . who will boldly<br />
champion freedom before <strong>the</strong> world and for <strong>the</strong> world . . . [which]<br />
Taft simply could not do.” Likewise, The Nation called Taft and his<br />
allies in Congress “super-appeasers” whose policies “should set <strong>the</strong><br />
bells ringing in <strong>the</strong> Kremlin.” 2<br />
Naturally, for his efforts Rothbard was himself red-baited from<br />
time to time by people on <strong>the</strong> <strong>Right</strong>. That his anti-Communist credentials<br />
were as bulletpro<strong>of</strong> as one could ask for hardly seemed to<br />
matter: he opposed <strong>the</strong> global anti-Communist crusade, and that<br />
was what counted. Ironically, it was precisely Rothbard’s contempt<br />
for Communism that persuaded him that an ongoing military campaign<br />
against it, one that would surely have terrible short- and<br />
long-term consequences for <strong>American</strong> society and government (not<br />
2 John Moser, “Principles Without Program: Senator Robert A. Taft<br />
and <strong>American</strong> Foreign Policy,” Ohio History 108 (1999): 177–92.