History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org
History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org
services vastly improved the singing. Wesley was delighted. William Bramwell, Richard Reece, Joseph Entwistle, and Pearl Dickinson are names now appearing, and immortal in Methodism. All his preachers were now licensed to save them from the Conventicle Act; but it widened a breach with the National Church and made ultimate separation inevitable. Wesley had ceased to publish except in the Arminian Magazine. Dr. Coke, and principally, Mr. Bradford were now his traveling companions. Everywhere he was received with worshipful respect. His flowing snow-white hair, his ruddy countenance, his searching eyes, which had lost none of their brightness, made him an angel visitant. The forty-fifth Conference was held in London, July 29, 1788. The prosperity was unabated. Among those received at this conference was John Hickling, who survived till 1859, aged ninety-three, the last of Wesley's "Helpers." He had preached more than seventy years, and at the time of his death was announced for six special occasions. Wesley had passed his eighty-fifth birthday with unusual incidents, and the year was marked with many events of a striking character, which may be found in Tyerman's "Life," but cannot be reproduced under limit of space. March 29 of this year Charles Wesley died. Wesley was at Macclesfield and could not get to London in time for the funeral. Charles had left instructions to be buried in "consecrated ground" and by clergymen of the National Church. Wesley was much grieved, for he wished him to be buried near him in City Road chapel ground. He intended to write his brother's Life, but he could not find the time. Dr. Whitehead, by special request of the family, performed acceptably and successfully the task, having access to his Journal and all his private papers. On Christmas day of this year Wesley preached at City Road chapel, and on the last Sunday in the year at All Hallows church. His attendant while putting on his gown was addressed by Wesley. "Sir, it is above fifty years since I first preached in this church . . . I came without a sermon. A woman who stood by noticing my concern said, on learning the cause of my confusion, 'Cannot you trust God for a sermon?'" It had such an effect on him that he ascended the pulpit and preached extempore . . . "I have never since taken a written sermon with me into the pulpit." 1789, and Wesley at eighty-six. In January he sat for a picture by Romney, and he compliments him, "He struck off an exact likeness at once and did more in an hour than Sir Joshua did in ten." His sight and other faculties showed signs of decay, but in March he started on a five months' preaching tour over the kingdom. At Dublin chapel he called on William Myles, his assistant at this place, to aid him in administering the Lord's Supper, and he was not yet ordained. It gave great offense, and a controversy raged for three months over it in the Daily Dublin Evening Post. It was pronounced "the greatest innovation that had been witnessed for fifty years." His reason for this step can be conjectured only. Under Dr. Coke's management the Dublin Methodists had service during the Church hours, to keep them from wandering from their own service at other hours, a practice Coke determined must be stopped. It led to farther controversy, and Wesley endeavored to justify Coke, though it was a thing he so often condemned. Notwithstanding these divarications of his own he stickled and insisted that other rules should be obeyed to the letter. At Dewsbury the year before his book steward, Atlay, led a rebellion against his power to appoint exclusively the preacher. Atlay and the chapel were both lost to the connection. Now at Shields the same disaffection appeared. Wesley wrote a peremptory letter to the three circuit preachers, that they demand a settlement of the deed on the Conference plan within three weeks, and if within another week it was not complied with they were to withdraw and not preach in it. In a postscript he says: "I am at a point. I will be trifled with
no longer." He was seriously sick during this period — diabetes threatened, but under treatment from his faithful and confidential physician, Dr. Whitehead, it abated, though he suffered more or less with it to his decease. His buoyant spirits at this time were remarked by many. He held his Irish Conference, now numbering some sixty, of whom forty or more were present. He compliments them in the strongest terms, and they have never ceased to be worthy of it. On the Conference Sunday Wesley and his preachers attended service at St. Patrick's, and heard the dean preach, "a serious, useful sermon." The Irish preachers were to a man true to the Church. On the 12th of July he bid adieu to Ireland forever. The scene of parting was most affecting. — "Not a few fell on the old man's neck and kissed him." About this time in a private letter occurs the sentence, "Dr. Coke made two [12] or three little alterations in the prayer-book without my knowledge." It is quoted as a pointer for future use. On the 28th of July, 1789, the forty-sixth session of Conference began in Leeds. Two hundred and eighty-eight preachers received appointments. The societies continued to grow. Circuits and missions, 109, not including Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, and the numbers in society 74,254. What may be called the Conference sermon was preached by a local preacher, James Hamilton, M.D., perhaps the only instance of the kind in English Methodism. It was an able discourse, met with Wesley's approbation, was printed and widely circulated. About 130 preachers were present, according to Atmore, and of these 115 signed a paper favoring the settlement of the chapels according to the Conference plan, and among them, Tyerman says, William Thom, Henry Taylor, and Alexander Killiam, who were afterward distinguished as Methodist Reformers. Separation from the Church was again discussed as it was at every Conference, and decided unanimously against it. It was resolved that no books should be published without Wesley's sanction, and those to be printed at his press in London and sold by his book steward. Now and for some time before his sermons indicate his growing fears for the Methodists by becoming rich. He saw only the baleful effects, but what would Methodism be today but for its consecrated rich men? 1790. Tyerman says: "Wesley's career is drawing to a close. He himself was on the 'Delectable mountains,' basking in the sheen of the celestial city, but all around him, or rather beneath him, was darkness and confusion." The French Revolution impended and England was filled with its alarms and doctrinal divisions. January 1, Wesley wrote: "I am now an old man, decayed from head to foot: my eyes are dim; my right hand shakes much; my mouth is hot and dry every morning; I have a lingering fever almost every day; my motion is weak and slow. However, blessed be God, I do not [13] slack my labor; I can preach and write still." He staunchly holds to every autocratic principle of his discipline. January 13, he writes to John Mason, the assistant at St. Austell circuit: "As long as I live, the people shall have no share in choosing either stewards or leaders among the Methodists . . . We are no republicans and never intend to be. It would be better for these, that are so minded, [14] to go quietly away." Historically this is of moment, as the sequel of this work will show, that the principle here reaffirmed should be coupled with another laid down in the Dewsbury chapel case already adverted to; in this, however, the affirmation is a fallacy to be hereafter exposed: — "With respect to Dewsbury House, there never was any dispute about the property of preaching houses; that was an artful misrepresentation; but merely the appointing of preachers to them." Again, "Observe, here is no dispute about the right of houses at all. I have no right to any preaching house in England. [15] What I claim is a right of stationing the preachers." Yet the Deed of Declaration already entered in the High Court of Chancery was enacted principally because all the Methodist chapels and other
- Page 23 and 24: His private Journal, which came int
- Page 25 and 26: with the hope that, whenever such a
- Page 27 and 28: ENDNOTES 1 Whitehead's "Life of the
- Page 29 and 30: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 31 and 32: His father's health failing in 1734
- Page 33 and 34: The period from 1739 to 1744 was a
- Page 35 and 36: 1 "Mutual Rights," Vol. 1. No. 21,
- Page 37 and 38: places. Stevens says the third Conf
- Page 39 and 40: were necessary for an enduring orga
- Page 41 and 42: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 43 and 44: chapel seats. Breaking bread in the
- Page 45 and 46: severely, but not unjustly. Preachi
- Page 47 and 48: ut for the children, the boys only
- Page 49 and 50: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 51 and 52: leadership of the most self-asserti
- Page 53 and 54: deliverance from a "Methodist curat
- Page 55 and 56: sit apart, which had been violated
- Page 57 and 58: 1 Tyerman's "Life,'' Vol. III. p. 1
- Page 59 and 60: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 61 and 62: a deed of this kind, that I have go
- Page 63 and 64: arguments, except as it relates to
- Page 65 and 66: as, it was, no doubt, sincere. The
- Page 67 and 68: ordained Henry Moore and Thomas Ran
- Page 69 and 70: Church. Upon this the meeting was a
- Page 71 and 72: society in Plymouth. He was a man,
- Page 73: nothing else save the Arminian Maga
- Page 77 and 78: eached 2828. The membership was 76,
- Page 79 and 80: * See Appendix to Dr. Kewley's "Inq
- Page 81 and 82: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 83 and 84: He said soon after, "I will get up,
- Page 85 and 86: short, and the design itself was sp
- Page 87 and 88: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 89 and 90: week of Wesley's death he wrote: "M
- Page 91 and 92: stewards, the admission and expulsi
- Page 93 and 94: wrote like a mountain torrent. Stro
- Page 95 and 96: present purpose reads: "But when on
- Page 97 and 98: y the calendar, must be used wherev
- Page 99 and 100: presidency the Conference would not
- Page 101 and 102: 1 Asbury's " Journal," Vol. II. p.1
- Page 103 and 104: HISTORY OF METHODIST REFORM Synopti
- Page 105 and 106: Commentary is an imperishable monum
- Page 107 and 108: parent bodies will the mission of t
- Page 109 and 110: ENDNOTES 1 She was a Friend, but he
- Page 111 and 112: constantly devising new plans for i
- Page 113 and 114: urst out, and one Daniel Shubetham
- Page 115 and 116: insulted the representatives of the
- Page 117 and 118: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 119 and 120: courtesy due him, was thought too p
- Page 121 and 122: like Wesley, betrayed his ignorance
- Page 123 and 124: delicate woman, died and was buried
no longer." He was seriously sick during this period — diabetes threatened, but under treatment from<br />
his faithful and confidential physician, Dr. Whitehead, it abated, though he suffered more or less<br />
with it to his decease. His buoyant spirits at this time were remarked by many. He held his Irish<br />
Conference, now numbering some sixty, of whom forty or more were present. He compliments them<br />
in the strongest terms, and they have never ceased to be worthy of it. On the Conference Sunday<br />
Wesley and his preachers attended service at St. Patrick's, and heard the dean preach, "a serious,<br />
useful sermon." The Irish preachers were to a man true to the Church. On the 12th of July he bid<br />
adieu to Ireland forever. The scene of parting was most affecting. — "Not a few fell on the old man's<br />
neck and kissed him." About this time in a private letter occurs the sentence, "Dr. Coke made two<br />
[12]<br />
or three little alterations in the prayer-book without my knowledge." It is quoted as a pointer for<br />
future use.<br />
On the 28th of July, 1789, the forty-sixth session of Conference began in Leeds. Two hundred and<br />
eighty-eight preachers received appointments. The societies continued to grow. Circuits and<br />
missions, 109, not including Newfoundland and Nova Scotia, and the numbers in society 74,254.<br />
What may be called the Conference sermon was preached by a local preacher, James Hamilton,<br />
M.D., perhaps the only instance of the kind in English Methodism. It was an able discourse, met with<br />
Wesley's approbation, was printed and widely circulated. About 130 preachers were present,<br />
according to Atmore, and of these 115 signed a paper favoring the settlement of the chapels<br />
according to the Conference plan, and among them, Tyerman says, William Thom, Henry Taylor,<br />
and Alexander Killiam, who were afterward distinguished as <strong>Methodist</strong> <strong>Reform</strong>ers. Separation from<br />
the Church was again discussed as it was at every Conference, and decided unanimously against it.<br />
It was resolved that no books should be published without Wesley's sanction, and those to be printed<br />
at his press in London and sold by his book steward. Now and for some time before his sermons<br />
indicate his growing fears for the <strong>Methodist</strong>s by becoming rich. He saw only the baleful effects, but<br />
what would Methodism be today but for its consecrated rich men?<br />
1790. Tyerman says: "Wesley's career is drawing to a close. He himself was on the 'Delectable<br />
mountains,' basking in the sheen of the celestial city, but all around him, or rather beneath him, was<br />
darkness and confusion." The French Revolution impended and England was filled with its alarms<br />
and doctrinal divisions. January 1, Wesley wrote: "I am now an old man, decayed from head to foot:<br />
my eyes are dim; my right hand shakes much; my mouth is hot and dry every morning; I have a<br />
lingering fever almost every day; my motion is weak and slow. However, blessed be God, I do not<br />
[13]<br />
slack my labor; I can preach and write still." He staunchly holds to every autocratic principle of<br />
his discipline. January 13, he writes to John Mason, the assistant at St. Austell circuit: "As long as<br />
I live, the people shall have no share in choosing either stewards or leaders among the <strong>Methodist</strong>s<br />
. . . We are no republicans and never intend to be. It would be better for these, that are so minded,<br />
[14]<br />
to go quietly away." Historically this is of moment, as the sequel of this work will show, that the<br />
principle here reaffirmed should be coupled with another laid down in the Dewsbury chapel case<br />
already adverted to; in this, however, the affirmation is a fallacy to be hereafter exposed: — "With<br />
respect to Dewsbury House, there never was any dispute about the property of preaching houses; that<br />
was an artful misrepresentation; but merely the appointing of preachers to them." Again, "Observe,<br />
here is no dispute about the right of houses at all. I have no right to any preaching house in England.<br />
[15]<br />
What I claim is a right of stationing the preachers." Yet the Deed of Declaration already entered<br />
in the High Court of Chancery was enacted principally because all the <strong>Methodist</strong> chapels and other