History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org
History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org
A few concluding paragraphs are for details of a random but material character in line with the objective of this History. The Minutes of 1815 contain the obituary of Dr. Coke. Among the statements is this: "November 3, he landed in New York, and communicated to the preachers a new plan of government for the Methodist societies on the continent of America, drawn up by Mr. Wesley and himself, which was afterward published." The first paragraph of this obituary hints that it was the work of the Book Agents, Hitt and Ware. In common with the preachers from 1784, down to 1827, it expresses their received belief as to the origin of Methodist Episcopacy. How variant it is from the facts in the case has been already shown and to be further exposed in its proper connection. The statements are in accord with the traditions of those times, as the controverting facts [3] were locked up in the bosoms of two men, Asbury and Coke, and possibly John Dickins. Even Nicholas Snethen was thoroughly imbued with it. How could it be otherwise? Writing in 1822, he says, "But though we obtained the consent of Mr. Wesley to become an Episcopal Church, it does not appear, on the face of the communications and transactions, that he anticipated all the events which actually took place." Thus he dimly foresaw what McCaine, five years afterwards, by circumstances purely accidental, proved, but whose revelations and coordination of the facts so widely departed from the received traditional opinion, that even McCaine's fellow Reformers hesitated to accept them, realizing how damaging they were to the candor and fairness of Dr. Coke, if not directly of Asbury. It was the custom of the early minutes to note "expulsion" before the names of any of the preachers who were deprived of Conference membership for any cause, making no discrimination as to the moral character of the offense for which expulsion was meted out. Two notable exceptions, however, to this rule occur in the minutes of the period under consideration, and a little later. Minutes of 1816, under, "Who have been expelled from our connection this year?" In the Philadelphia Conference, "Joseph Sampson, for refusing to subscribe to the second article of the doctrines of our Church." Again, in 1826," Jesse Chesney is deprived of his official standing in the Methodist Episcopal Church." The pertinence of these differentiating cases will be exhibited when the expulsion of Reformers in 1827-30 is under consideration. [4] John Emory was born in 1789 in Queen Anne County, Md., of good Methodist stock, and in his seventeenth year united with the Church, a consecrated youth. He was classically educated and devoted himself to the profession of the law. All his worldly prospects he surrendered after a great struggle, and entered the itinerancy in 1810. He rose rapidly, and in 1813 was appointed to the Academy (Union) church, Philadelphia, the Eastern Shore of Maryland then being in the Philadelphia Conference. It was a leading church of the denomination. In 1816 he was elected to the General Conference, being but twenty-seven years of age. He was below the ordinary size and weighed not over 125 pounds, of slight constitution, but was one of the most scholarly and highly educated men of the ministry. He was preeminent as a debater, his legal skill furnishing him with all the arts of argumentative fence. Such a man was laudably ambitious, and, loving his Church, his aims were high. His mental structure was independent, so that it is not surprising that he early imbibed Reform principles, and became a leader from 1816 of the liberal element in the ministry, who after the decease of Asbury took new heart and hope for the circumscription of Episcopal powers. His coadjutors in this endeavor were not a few, many of the leading delegates from all the conferences to the General Conference of 1820 espousing his cause of an elective presiding eldership. It will be seen that this measure, so strenuously resisted by Asbury, McKendree, Soule,
and many others, and uniformly defeated from 1796 to 1820, in that year was carried by a two-thirds majority. How its final overthrow was accomplished, though it had one of the Bishops as its friend in George, with Roberts largely neutral, will furnish material for the opening chapter of a new volume of this History, as it was the crux and crisis of the Church. Emory failed of an election to the General Conference of 1824, Stevens evasively observing, "except that of 1824, when, being in a minority in his Conference on a disputed question, he was not elected." It was kind to his memory thus to gloss over the facts, but lacking in historical candor. The disputed question, it is well known by all Reform Methodists then and now, was this very elective presiding eldership, and other advances in the direction of a more liberal system which he countenanced. So pronounced were his views that he was the author of an Address which, like the utterances of McKendree in 1792, contained epigrammatical sentences which have never ceased to be slogans in the literature and rallies of Reformers. His opinions were shared by an influential relationship in Maryland, two of whom at least were eminent men, Dr. Sellers, his brother-in-law, and the late Judge Philemon B. Hopper, who stood all his life like a rock for the principles of Methodist Reform. Emory's participation in the controversy of 1827-30 will occupy a large space in its proper place, so that for the time his church politics are relegated to that period. As a controvertist he was distinguished, having answered Bishop White on a doctrinal question, and issued other polemical pamphlets, this being the natural attitude of his splendidly equipped mind. In 1824 the General Conference elected him Book Agent, as associate with Nathan Bangs. It marked a radical change in his ecclesiastical views, so marked that by the General Conference of 1832 he was elected one of the Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church. His administration was mild but masterful. Driving to Baltimore from his country residence near Reisterstown, he was thrown, it is supposed, from his buggy and was found bleeding and insensible on the roadside, in 1835. He died from concussion of the brain, having never recovered consciousness, and was buried at Mt. Olivet cemetery, already referred to as the resting-place of so many notable Methodists. With the brethren of his Church his name has been as "ointment poured forth" churches were called after him, and he has numerous namesakes in the citizenship of his native state. His eldest son, Robert, a classical teacher in Methodism, has written a biography of his venerated father, which is largely an effort to vindicate his memory from the dreadful aspersion of being a "Radical" in 1820-24. How far he succeeds will come under review later. Nathan Bangs was received in 1812, rose rapidly, became eminent in most of the leading Church centers, developed a high intellect, unflagging industry, unflinching loyalty, piety, and zeal. He served in the Eldership, was Book Agent with Emory and Soule, a member of most of the General Conferences, in which he was known for his stanch adherence to old methods and Asburyan principles. For a number of years he was in the mind of his friends for the bishopric, had a large following, but finally missed it by a narrow vote. While Book Agent he took a prominent part in opposition to all Reform measures, and in the controversy of 1820-24, wrote against it in his "Vindication of Methodist Episcopacy," which took the three-order, High-Church view of the episcopacy, and, strange to say, its publication was opposed by his associate Soule, at the expense of the Book Concern. It was finally done, and he was compensated with one hundred dollars for the pamphlet. It has not been quoted since 1844 by his contemporaries, for obvious reasons, and it made no impression at the time of its issue upon such Reformers as Snethen, Shinn, and others, though scathingly reviewed and riddled with counter arguments. He was made editor of the Christian Advocate, and his last great work was his "History of the Church," in four volumes, able but partisan,
- Page 365 and 366: is desperately broken, yet he keeps
- Page 367 and 368: conducted well." He did not offer h
- Page 369 and 370: of the general conference, and in t
- Page 371 and 372: . I leave you to make a prudent use
- Page 373 and 374: his words are eulogistically true.
- Page 375 and 376: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 377 and 378: until finally the illegality of it
- Page 379 and 380: who had been elected Book Agent to
- Page 381 and 382: interred under the altar of the Wes
- Page 383 and 384: ENDNOTES 1 One was held at Cabbin C
- Page 385 and 386: affirmed nor denied the truth of th
- Page 387 and 388: 3. Each Annual Conference respectiv
- Page 389 and 390: The smoke of the argumentative batt
- Page 391 and 392: find its Constitution, if any there
- Page 393 and 394: views. Such apologies for his after
- Page 395 and 396: ENDNOTES 1 Boehm says there was pre
- Page 397 and 398: those of the Methodist Protestant C
- Page 399 and 400: to his death a bosom friend and cou
- Page 401 and 402: date — " We have ridden two hundr
- Page 403 and 404: Eutaw Street church pulpit. On the
- Page 405 and 406: disputed. It never has been called
- Page 407 and 408: ENDNOTES 1 November 6, 1820, Kingst
- Page 409 and 410: McCormick has written in a legible
- Page 411 and 412: as a scandal upon Mr. Wesley, thoug
- Page 413 and 414: and good man, and a bead-roll of ot
- Page 415: liberal principles. To this Griffit
- Page 419 and 420: pioneers it may be said that in the
- Page 421 and 422: argument against innovation. Tradit
- Page 423 and 424: popular Episcopal Church of America
- Page 425 and 426: to the joint authorship of the Circ
- Page 427 and 428: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 429 and 430: apparently. Moore's denial was not
- Page 431 and 432: y Ralph Spoor, London, etc., page 5
- Page 433 and 434: Liverpool I observed that I should,
- Page 435 and 436: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 437 and 438: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 439 and 440: command, when he told the elders no
- Page 441 and 442: themselves to the ministry of the s
- Page 443 and 444: church with true wisdom to combine
- Page 445 and 446: Valentine Lucas, Alexander Clark, A
- Page 447 and 448: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
- Page 449 and 450: General Conference of 1884 the Soci
- Page 451 and 452: The report of the W. F. M. S. to th
- Page 453 and 454: The General Conference of 1888 divi
- Page 455 and 456: successful labors. The Board is reg
- Page 457 and 458: While the various enterprises alrea
- Page 459 and 460: scholars, 63; ordained native preac
- Page 461 and 462: RESUME AND COMPARISON 1896 1897 GAI
- Page 463 and 464: Art. 4th. As all men are essentiall
- Page 465 and 466: Art. 10th. The government of every
A few concluding paragraphs are for details of a random but material character in line with the<br />
objective of this <strong>History</strong>. The Minutes of 1815 contain the obituary of Dr. Coke. Among the<br />
statements is this: "November 3, he landed in New York, and communicated to the preachers a new<br />
plan of government for the <strong>Methodist</strong> societies on the continent of America, drawn up by Mr.<br />
Wesley and himself, which was afterward published." The first paragraph of this obituary hints that<br />
it was the work of the Book Agents, Hitt and Ware. In common with the preachers from 1784, down<br />
to 1827, it expresses their received belief as to the origin of <strong>Methodist</strong> Episcopacy. How variant it<br />
is from the facts in the case has been already shown and to be further exposed in its proper<br />
connection. The statements are in accord with the traditions of those times, as the controverting facts<br />
[3]<br />
were locked up in the bosoms of two men, Asbury and Coke, and possibly John Dickins. Even<br />
Nicholas Snethen was thoroughly imbued with it. How could it be otherwise? Writing in 1822, he<br />
says, "But though we obtained the consent of Mr. Wesley to become an Episcopal Church, it does<br />
not appear, on the face of the communications and transactions, that he anticipated all the events<br />
which actually took place." Thus he dimly foresaw what McCaine, five years afterwards, by<br />
circumstances purely accidental, proved, but whose revelations and coordination of the facts so<br />
widely departed from the received traditional opinion, that even McCaine's fellow <strong>Reform</strong>ers<br />
hesitated to accept them, realizing how damaging they were to the candor and fairness of Dr. Coke,<br />
if not directly of Asbury.<br />
It was the custom of the early minutes to note "expulsion" before the names of any of the<br />
preachers who were deprived of Conference membership for any cause, making no discrimination<br />
as to the moral character of the offense for which expulsion was meted out. Two notable exceptions,<br />
however, to this rule occur in the minutes of the period under consideration, and a little later.<br />
Minutes of 1816, under, "Who have been expelled from our connection this year?" In the<br />
Philadelphia Conference, "Joseph Sampson, for refusing to subscribe to the second article of the<br />
doctrines of our Church." Again, in 1826," Jesse Chesney is deprived of his official standing in the<br />
<strong>Methodist</strong> Episcopal Church." The pertinence of these differentiating cases will be exhibited when<br />
the expulsion of <strong>Reform</strong>ers in 1827-30 is under consideration. [4]<br />
John Emory was born in 1789 in Queen Anne County, Md., of good <strong>Methodist</strong> stock, and in his<br />
seventeenth year united with the Church, a consecrated youth. He was classically educated and<br />
devoted himself to the profession of the law. All his worldly prospects he surrendered after a great<br />
struggle, and entered the itinerancy in 1810. He rose rapidly, and in 1813 was appointed to the<br />
Academy (Union) church, Philadelphia, the Eastern Shore of Maryland then being in the<br />
Philadelphia Conference. It was a leading church of the denomination. In 1816 he was elected to the<br />
General Conference, being but twenty-seven years of age. He was below the ordinary size and<br />
weighed not over 125 pounds, of slight constitution, but was one of the most scholarly and highly<br />
educated men of the ministry. He was preeminent as a debater, his legal skill furnishing him with<br />
all the arts of argumentative fence. Such a man was laudably ambitious, and, loving his Church, his<br />
aims were high. His mental structure was independent, so that it is not surprising that he early<br />
imbibed <strong>Reform</strong> principles, and became a leader from 1816 of the liberal element in the ministry,<br />
who after the decease of Asbury took new heart and hope for the circumscription of Episcopal<br />
powers. His coadjutors in this endeavor were not a few, many of the leading delegates from all the<br />
conferences to the General Conference of 1820 espousing his cause of an elective presiding<br />
eldership. It will be seen that this measure, so strenuously resisted by Asbury, McKendree, Soule,