History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org

History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org

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A few concluding paragraphs are for details of a random but material character in line with the objective of this History. The Minutes of 1815 contain the obituary of Dr. Coke. Among the statements is this: "November 3, he landed in New York, and communicated to the preachers a new plan of government for the Methodist societies on the continent of America, drawn up by Mr. Wesley and himself, which was afterward published." The first paragraph of this obituary hints that it was the work of the Book Agents, Hitt and Ware. In common with the preachers from 1784, down to 1827, it expresses their received belief as to the origin of Methodist Episcopacy. How variant it is from the facts in the case has been already shown and to be further exposed in its proper connection. The statements are in accord with the traditions of those times, as the controverting facts [3] were locked up in the bosoms of two men, Asbury and Coke, and possibly John Dickins. Even Nicholas Snethen was thoroughly imbued with it. How could it be otherwise? Writing in 1822, he says, "But though we obtained the consent of Mr. Wesley to become an Episcopal Church, it does not appear, on the face of the communications and transactions, that he anticipated all the events which actually took place." Thus he dimly foresaw what McCaine, five years afterwards, by circumstances purely accidental, proved, but whose revelations and coordination of the facts so widely departed from the received traditional opinion, that even McCaine's fellow Reformers hesitated to accept them, realizing how damaging they were to the candor and fairness of Dr. Coke, if not directly of Asbury. It was the custom of the early minutes to note "expulsion" before the names of any of the preachers who were deprived of Conference membership for any cause, making no discrimination as to the moral character of the offense for which expulsion was meted out. Two notable exceptions, however, to this rule occur in the minutes of the period under consideration, and a little later. Minutes of 1816, under, "Who have been expelled from our connection this year?" In the Philadelphia Conference, "Joseph Sampson, for refusing to subscribe to the second article of the doctrines of our Church." Again, in 1826," Jesse Chesney is deprived of his official standing in the Methodist Episcopal Church." The pertinence of these differentiating cases will be exhibited when the expulsion of Reformers in 1827-30 is under consideration. [4] John Emory was born in 1789 in Queen Anne County, Md., of good Methodist stock, and in his seventeenth year united with the Church, a consecrated youth. He was classically educated and devoted himself to the profession of the law. All his worldly prospects he surrendered after a great struggle, and entered the itinerancy in 1810. He rose rapidly, and in 1813 was appointed to the Academy (Union) church, Philadelphia, the Eastern Shore of Maryland then being in the Philadelphia Conference. It was a leading church of the denomination. In 1816 he was elected to the General Conference, being but twenty-seven years of age. He was below the ordinary size and weighed not over 125 pounds, of slight constitution, but was one of the most scholarly and highly educated men of the ministry. He was preeminent as a debater, his legal skill furnishing him with all the arts of argumentative fence. Such a man was laudably ambitious, and, loving his Church, his aims were high. His mental structure was independent, so that it is not surprising that he early imbibed Reform principles, and became a leader from 1816 of the liberal element in the ministry, who after the decease of Asbury took new heart and hope for the circumscription of Episcopal powers. His coadjutors in this endeavor were not a few, many of the leading delegates from all the conferences to the General Conference of 1820 espousing his cause of an elective presiding eldership. It will be seen that this measure, so strenuously resisted by Asbury, McKendree, Soule,

and many others, and uniformly defeated from 1796 to 1820, in that year was carried by a two-thirds majority. How its final overthrow was accomplished, though it had one of the Bishops as its friend in George, with Roberts largely neutral, will furnish material for the opening chapter of a new volume of this History, as it was the crux and crisis of the Church. Emory failed of an election to the General Conference of 1824, Stevens evasively observing, "except that of 1824, when, being in a minority in his Conference on a disputed question, he was not elected." It was kind to his memory thus to gloss over the facts, but lacking in historical candor. The disputed question, it is well known by all Reform Methodists then and now, was this very elective presiding eldership, and other advances in the direction of a more liberal system which he countenanced. So pronounced were his views that he was the author of an Address which, like the utterances of McKendree in 1792, contained epigrammatical sentences which have never ceased to be slogans in the literature and rallies of Reformers. His opinions were shared by an influential relationship in Maryland, two of whom at least were eminent men, Dr. Sellers, his brother-in-law, and the late Judge Philemon B. Hopper, who stood all his life like a rock for the principles of Methodist Reform. Emory's participation in the controversy of 1827-30 will occupy a large space in its proper place, so that for the time his church politics are relegated to that period. As a controvertist he was distinguished, having answered Bishop White on a doctrinal question, and issued other polemical pamphlets, this being the natural attitude of his splendidly equipped mind. In 1824 the General Conference elected him Book Agent, as associate with Nathan Bangs. It marked a radical change in his ecclesiastical views, so marked that by the General Conference of 1832 he was elected one of the Bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church. His administration was mild but masterful. Driving to Baltimore from his country residence near Reisterstown, he was thrown, it is supposed, from his buggy and was found bleeding and insensible on the roadside, in 1835. He died from concussion of the brain, having never recovered consciousness, and was buried at Mt. Olivet cemetery, already referred to as the resting-place of so many notable Methodists. With the brethren of his Church his name has been as "ointment poured forth" churches were called after him, and he has numerous namesakes in the citizenship of his native state. His eldest son, Robert, a classical teacher in Methodism, has written a biography of his venerated father, which is largely an effort to vindicate his memory from the dreadful aspersion of being a "Radical" in 1820-24. How far he succeeds will come under review later. Nathan Bangs was received in 1812, rose rapidly, became eminent in most of the leading Church centers, developed a high intellect, unflagging industry, unflinching loyalty, piety, and zeal. He served in the Eldership, was Book Agent with Emory and Soule, a member of most of the General Conferences, in which he was known for his stanch adherence to old methods and Asburyan principles. For a number of years he was in the mind of his friends for the bishopric, had a large following, but finally missed it by a narrow vote. While Book Agent he took a prominent part in opposition to all Reform measures, and in the controversy of 1820-24, wrote against it in his "Vindication of Methodist Episcopacy," which took the three-order, High-Church view of the episcopacy, and, strange to say, its publication was opposed by his associate Soule, at the expense of the Book Concern. It was finally done, and he was compensated with one hundred dollars for the pamphlet. It has not been quoted since 1844 by his contemporaries, for obvious reasons, and it made no impression at the time of its issue upon such Reformers as Snethen, Shinn, and others, though scathingly reviewed and riddled with counter arguments. He was made editor of the Christian Advocate, and his last great work was his "History of the Church," in four volumes, able but partisan,

A few concluding paragraphs are for details of a random but material character in line with the<br />

objective of this <strong>History</strong>. The Minutes of 1815 contain the obituary of Dr. Coke. Among the<br />

statements is this: "November 3, he landed in New York, and communicated to the preachers a new<br />

plan of government for the <strong>Methodist</strong> societies on the continent of America, drawn up by Mr.<br />

Wesley and himself, which was afterward published." The first paragraph of this obituary hints that<br />

it was the work of the Book Agents, Hitt and Ware. In common with the preachers from 1784, down<br />

to 1827, it expresses their received belief as to the origin of <strong>Methodist</strong> Episcopacy. How variant it<br />

is from the facts in the case has been already shown and to be further exposed in its proper<br />

connection. The statements are in accord with the traditions of those times, as the controverting facts<br />

[3]<br />

were locked up in the bosoms of two men, Asbury and Coke, and possibly John Dickins. Even<br />

Nicholas Snethen was thoroughly imbued with it. How could it be otherwise? Writing in 1822, he<br />

says, "But though we obtained the consent of Mr. Wesley to become an Episcopal Church, it does<br />

not appear, on the face of the communications and transactions, that he anticipated all the events<br />

which actually took place." Thus he dimly foresaw what McCaine, five years afterwards, by<br />

circumstances purely accidental, proved, but whose revelations and coordination of the facts so<br />

widely departed from the received traditional opinion, that even McCaine's fellow <strong>Reform</strong>ers<br />

hesitated to accept them, realizing how damaging they were to the candor and fairness of Dr. Coke,<br />

if not directly of Asbury.<br />

It was the custom of the early minutes to note "expulsion" before the names of any of the<br />

preachers who were deprived of Conference membership for any cause, making no discrimination<br />

as to the moral character of the offense for which expulsion was meted out. Two notable exceptions,<br />

however, to this rule occur in the minutes of the period under consideration, and a little later.<br />

Minutes of 1816, under, "Who have been expelled from our connection this year?" In the<br />

Philadelphia Conference, "Joseph Sampson, for refusing to subscribe to the second article of the<br />

doctrines of our Church." Again, in 1826," Jesse Chesney is deprived of his official standing in the<br />

<strong>Methodist</strong> Episcopal Church." The pertinence of these differentiating cases will be exhibited when<br />

the expulsion of <strong>Reform</strong>ers in 1827-30 is under consideration. [4]<br />

John Emory was born in 1789 in Queen Anne County, Md., of good <strong>Methodist</strong> stock, and in his<br />

seventeenth year united with the Church, a consecrated youth. He was classically educated and<br />

devoted himself to the profession of the law. All his worldly prospects he surrendered after a great<br />

struggle, and entered the itinerancy in 1810. He rose rapidly, and in 1813 was appointed to the<br />

Academy (Union) church, Philadelphia, the Eastern Shore of Maryland then being in the<br />

Philadelphia Conference. It was a leading church of the denomination. In 1816 he was elected to the<br />

General Conference, being but twenty-seven years of age. He was below the ordinary size and<br />

weighed not over 125 pounds, of slight constitution, but was one of the most scholarly and highly<br />

educated men of the ministry. He was preeminent as a debater, his legal skill furnishing him with<br />

all the arts of argumentative fence. Such a man was laudably ambitious, and, loving his Church, his<br />

aims were high. His mental structure was independent, so that it is not surprising that he early<br />

imbibed <strong>Reform</strong> principles, and became a leader from 1816 of the liberal element in the ministry,<br />

who after the decease of Asbury took new heart and hope for the circumscription of Episcopal<br />

powers. His coadjutors in this endeavor were not a few, many of the leading delegates from all the<br />

conferences to the General Conference of 1820 espousing his cause of an elective presiding<br />

eldership. It will be seen that this measure, so strenuously resisted by Asbury, McKendree, Soule,

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