History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org
History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org
As might be expected Wesley had not only his fightings without but his troubles within the Societies. There were signs of disaffection, and the preachers were restive under the yoke of the brothers, and their dependence upon the National Church. He freely unburdened his mind to Edward Perronet, and Tyerman cites from their correspondence fragments of John's dissatisfaction. "Charles and you behave as I want you to do. But you cannot or wilt not preach where I desire. Others can and will preach where I desire; but they do not behave as I want them to do. I have a fine time between the one and the other . . . I have not one preacher with me, and not six in England, whose wills are [5] broken enough to serve me as sons in the Gospel." He seemed to forget that he was dealing with free-born Englishmen, and that: "Uneasy lies the head that wears a crown." More perplexing than these things, the ostensible division of authority with his brother Charles in some things did not work well. In November, 1751, they met at Shoreham and in the presence of Perronet talked it over with much candor and love. An agreement was drawn up defining their respective rights with the lay-preachers. Whitehead says John signed them with reluctance, but nothing came of it as a settlement. "Mr. Wesley would not submit to any control in admitting preachers into the connection, in appointing them to the different circuits, or in governing the societies. It appears to me that after the first difference with his brother, who disappointed his intended marriage, he made up his mind not to suffer either a superior, or an equal in these respects. [6] From that time he seemed determined to be 'aut Caesar aut nihil.' " Moore says this imputation of Whitehead was based on a "heathenish principle," and finds a motive and apology for John's breaking the engagement in that he found Charles "was unable to execute so large an engagement [7] with efficiency." This was probably so, if competing with him in laborious travel is made a factor, but the truth after all is found in Whitehead's deduction: in such a work there could not be two masters. And so it proved. Charles, in despair of sharing in the substance of official authority, determined that he could not be his brother's shadow and retired; though for thirty years after he did all in his power to help the societies, and in all emergencies threw himself into the breach, as during his brother's serious illness in the autumn of 1753, when the consumptive symptoms returned and Wesley in anticipation of a fatal termination wrote his own epitaph. Our limitations will not allow even a sketch of the introduction of Methodism in Ireland from 1747; except to embalm the names of John Smith, Robert Swindells, and Thomas Walsh of his lay-preachers as well as Christopher Hopper, John Jane, and Duncan Wright. In 1754 Wesley read with deep interest the Life of Baxter and was moved to record his sympathy with the Dissenters in their persecutions by the clergy of the National Church; and this led Whitehead to philosophize as follows: "It is natural to observe here what the history of mankind uniformly shows, that, where the people have no balance of power in the government of the Church or of religious societies, to be used as a check against, any undue influence of their teachers, the ministers, or preachers of the Gospel, become in the end haughty, tyrannical, and intolerant; and their councils, assemblies, or conferences degenerate into mere combinations against the natural rights and liberties of those over [8] whom they assume any authority." The language is prophetic as to Methodism and its peculiar regime and prejudiced the Conference party against him, provoking the open opposition of Dr. Coke and Henry Moore. It may be fairly offset by the following judicious observation of Stevens, "Discipline and authority such as Wesley alone among the founders seemed capable of establishing,
were necessary for an enduring organization of the various crude elements which Methodism [9] gathered from the degraded masses of the English populace." As much has already been conceded in these pages at least as to the clerical leaders of the great religious revival. Of the three preeminent ones he alone possessed in a large degree the organizing faculty. But it must be observed that nearly all the factions in early Methodism with which he had to contend were fomented by inferior men among the ambitious preachers. It is safe to conjecture that Wesley could have strengthened himself against all of this class if he had taken more account of the laity in his councils. It has been found that, in the Conferences he assembled from 1744 to 1765 and onward, he invited of the preachers whom he would, and allowed a sitting to any prominent Band leader or member in the place of its meeting of his selection also. But down to his decease, in 1791, they figure but furtively in any of these consultations. The whole history of Methodism proves how loyal they have been to the preachers and how conservative of the methods adopted. What an opportunity it was for a scriptural beginning according to New Testament precedents. What if he had invited a few prominent laymen of the Societies in London, Bristol, Newcastle, and Leeds, and so in an enlarging circle as the societies multiplied and the preachers increased? They would probably have added little light in doctrinal and speculative discussions which occupied so much of the time of these early Conferences, but as to discipline and local needs, the Kingswood school and the temporalities generally, would they not have been helpful? Was it because he had broken away from the Moravian regulations with their apostolical example of consulting the brethren in all emergencies at Fetter Lane? If these things occurred to him, they were dismissed as trammels upon his administration. He was providentially directed. Plainly he was so convinced. But doubts will arise when it is considered that it has no countenance in the methods of the primitive churches under the guidance of the Apostles, and it was the fruitful source of numerous divisions in the United Societies after his decease. If the Deed of Declaration had included one hundred laymen as well as a hundred preachers; eminently prudent, as it was to hold property, a pure temporality; it is not too much to declare in the light of all the facts of history that Methodism, the world over, would have been as fully a unit of organization, as it is of doctrine and means of grace. The proofs of this postulate will appear in the current places. There is no key, however, to the anomalous conditions, unless it be found in the dictum of Tyerman which is freely accepted: "Wesley was not a designing man; cunning he had none; he was a man of one idea; his sole aim was to save souls. This was the philosophy of his life. All his actions had reference to this. He had no preconceived plans; and hence it is needless to speculate about his motives. The man is best known [10] by what he did; not by what philosophers may suspect he thought." His parental relation to his helpers and the societies determined the bias of his actions, and under its molding influence there was no need that he should preconceive plans. In him resided the motive power of the whole, and it needed no invention to adjust the subordinate parts; wheel came to wheel and cog to cog by a kind of natural selection. And it is not easy to criticize it on the score of efficiency alone, and the system can be freely condoned during the life of Wesley. Criticism holds only as to the trend of such a system as developed in the fundamental error of its entailment by the Deed of Declaration. *************************************
- Page 1 and 2: WESLEYAN HERITAGE Library M. E. Chu
- Page 3 and 4: METHODIST REFORM Edward J. Drinkhou
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- Page 7 and 8: No pretension is made to literary s
- Page 9 and 10: considered — The first missionary
- Page 11 and 12: CHAPTER 19 1779-1781 — The "regul
- Page 13 and 14: Was it mailed before or after he he
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- Page 17 and 18: the Methodist Societies, though thr
- Page 19 and 20: The period from 1784 to 1792 will b
- Page 21 and 22: ENDNOTES 1 Otherwise called the Pol
- Page 23 and 24: His private Journal, which came int
- Page 25 and 26: with the hope that, whenever such a
- Page 27 and 28: ENDNOTES 1 Whitehead's "Life of the
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- Page 31 and 32: His father's health failing in 1734
- Page 33 and 34: The period from 1739 to 1744 was a
- Page 35 and 36: 1 "Mutual Rights," Vol. 1. No. 21,
- Page 37: places. Stevens says the third Conf
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- Page 43 and 44: chapel seats. Breaking bread in the
- Page 45 and 46: severely, but not unjustly. Preachi
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- Page 57 and 58: 1 Tyerman's "Life,'' Vol. III. p. 1
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- Page 61 and 62: a deed of this kind, that I have go
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- Page 65 and 66: as, it was, no doubt, sincere. The
- Page 67 and 68: ordained Henry Moore and Thomas Ran
- Page 69 and 70: Church. Upon this the meeting was a
- Page 71 and 72: society in Plymouth. He was a man,
- Page 73 and 74: nothing else save the Arminian Maga
- Page 75 and 76: no longer." He was seriously sick d
- Page 77 and 78: eached 2828. The membership was 76,
- Page 79 and 80: * See Appendix to Dr. Kewley's "Inq
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were necessary for an enduring organization of the various crude elements which Methodism<br />
[9]<br />
gathered from the degraded masses of the English populace." As much has already been conceded<br />
in these pages at least as to the clerical leaders of the great religious revival. <strong>Of</strong> the three preeminent<br />
ones he alone possessed in a large degree the organizing faculty. But it must be observed that nearly<br />
all the factions in early Methodism with which he had to contend were fomented by inferior men<br />
among the ambitious preachers.<br />
It is safe to conjecture that Wesley could have strengthened himself against all of this class if he<br />
had taken more account of the laity in his councils. It has been found that, in the Conferences he<br />
assembled from 1744 to 1765 and onward, he invited of the preachers whom he would, and allowed<br />
a sitting to any prominent Band leader or member in the place of its meeting of his selection also.<br />
But down to his decease, in 1791, they figure but furtively in any of these consultations. The whole<br />
history of Methodism proves how loyal they have been to the preachers and how conservative of the<br />
methods adopted. What an opportunity it was for a scriptural beginning according to New Testament<br />
precedents. What if he had invited a few prominent laymen of the Societies in London, Bristol,<br />
Newcastle, and Leeds, and so in an enlarging circle as the societies multiplied and the preachers<br />
increased? They would probably have added little light in doctrinal and speculative discussions<br />
which occupied so much of the time of these early Conferences, but as to discipline and local needs,<br />
the Kingswood school and the temporalities generally, would they not have been helpful? Was it<br />
because he had broken away from the Moravian regulations with their apostolical example of<br />
consulting the brethren in all emergencies at Fetter Lane? If these things occurred to him, they were<br />
dismissed as trammels upon his administration. He was providentially directed. Plainly he was so<br />
convinced. But doubts will arise when it is considered that it has no countenance in the methods of<br />
the primitive churches under the guidance of the Apostles, and it was the fruitful source of numerous<br />
divisions in the United Societies after his decease. If the Deed of Declaration had included one<br />
hundred laymen as well as a hundred preachers; eminently prudent, as it was to hold property, a pure<br />
temporality; it is not too much to declare in the light of all the facts of history that Methodism, the<br />
world over, would have been as fully a unit of organization, as it is of doctrine and means of grace.<br />
The proofs of this postulate will appear in the current places. There is no key, however, to the<br />
anomalous conditions, unless it be found in the dictum of Tyerman which is freely accepted:<br />
"Wesley was not a designing man; cunning he had none; he was a man of one idea; his sole aim was<br />
to save souls. This was the philosophy of his life. All his actions had reference to this. He had no<br />
preconceived plans; and hence it is needless to speculate about his motives. The man is best known<br />
[10]<br />
by what he did; not by what philosophers may suspect he thought." His parental relation to his<br />
helpers and the societies determined the bias of his actions, and under its molding influence there<br />
was no need that he should preconceive plans. In him resided the motive power of the whole, and<br />
it needed no invention to adjust the subordinate parts; wheel came to wheel and cog to cog by a kind<br />
of natural selection. And it is not easy to criticize it on the score of efficiency alone, and the system<br />
can be freely condoned during the life of Wesley. Criticism holds only as to the trend of such a<br />
system as developed in the fundamental error of its entailment by the Deed of Declaration.<br />
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