History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org

History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org

media.sabda.org
from media.sabda.org More from this publisher
21.07.2013 Views

he believed that his leaving the Conference was more out of fear of being brought to trial than on account of the appeal. But so it was, Mr. James O'Kelly never more united with the Methodists." How insidiously insinuating! Lee does not furnish the name of this scandalizing preacher. Yet it seems he had not before heard of O'Kelly's grave heresies. As put by his traducer one is at a loss to find it except by the art of the disingenuous — the trick of those "Who can sever and divide, A hair 'twixt north and northwest side." But this paragraph from Lee has wrought great mischief to O'Kelly personally, and to the denomination he fathered and left behind him to this day. Lee speaks of him as "the old man." Stevens is led to reproduce the heresy motive, and to speak of him disparagingly. His excuse may be that he had nothing to guide him but Lee, and the old saw accounts for the bias he exhibits, followed by other historians of Methodism, that "when the wish is father to the thought, we are apt to draw upon our imagination for the facts." He says, "He was now a veteran, broken with age, an Irishman of fiery temperament, and, as usual with such temperaments, his conscience was weak and easily swayed by his prejudices; weak to yield to them, but strong to defend them." The truth is, that he was now only about fifty-eight years of age, and able to walk twelve miles with saddlebags and other impedimenta; and such was his vitality that he lived to be ninety-two years old. As to the heresy, the grain of truth in it shall be sifted out of the bushel of doctrinal slander. Secession pure and simple is rarely justified and as rarely succeeds. This was a case of secession pure and simple. So soon as O'Kelly's letter was received by the Conference, Asbury set Coke in motion to conciliate him if possible. He knew his worth and foresaw that it meant a heavy collateral loss, and he also knew his power, and that to cope with him challenged a giant's strength. O'Kelly tells how he was invited to an interview with Coke in private, how obsequious he was, and asked "pardon ten thousand times." He inquired then of O'Kelly on what terms he would return, and he answered, "Only let an injured man have an appeal." Then Coke gave the final word, "That cannot be granted." Let it be here observed that no one honestly desiring to know the truth of history as to these things will fail not to read only, but to allow full credit of general truthfulness to O'Kelly in his elaborate exposures in his "Apology." The temptation is strong to quote largely from it as offsetting the text of most historians who have taken pains to garner all the fragments of testimony of the opposite complexion, but forbearance will be exercised as this History is meant to observe the golden mean of extremes. His story, rigidly condensed, is that he left as Lee informs, accompanied by Rice Haggard, John Robinson, John Allen, William McKendree, and, perhaps, a few others, who subsequently helped him though they did not secede at this time, among them Hope Hull and Philip Bruce. He admits that he knew not what to do, except that he intended to keep on preaching; "but I have no intention of a separate party." Reaching home, in a few days messengers came to him from Asbury, expressing his sorrow at his departure; that he was his "right eye, right hand, and right foot." He promised him free access to the Methodist pulpits and £40 a year, because "I had suffered so much for the cause of truth and liberty." The former he says he accepted, but not the latter. Some time afterward he was sent a present of £10 by Asbury which, on the advice of friends, he received, and gave it the same day in part pay for a saddle-horse. "After these things I was met by one of their elders, who blamed me for leading the people into the nature of church government; whereas they had no business with such knowledge." The fact that he accepted the £10 was soon used against him

— he was receiving support from the Methodists, and yet opposed them. Then, he says, he saw it was intended for hush money. He could neither be coaxed nor bribed out of his position. Then Asbury left him and turned his attention to McKendree. O'Kelly had no plan. There was no forethought. His ardent temperament, when he was so certain of success, could not brook the mortification of defeat. The personal equation was too large. Two wise sentiments of D'Aubigne are in place as warnings: "Every revolution should be wrought out in men's minds before it takes the shape of action," and "Mankind needs time to accommodate themselves to great changes." O'Kelly, without intending it, was driven onward by the pressure of those disaffected elements which the "aristocratic system," Coke's favorite phrase for the polity then prevailing, had fomented, and which had lain dormant for a long time — at least since the General Conference of 1784. Thoughtful laymen through the connection felt the galling yoke, and awaited opportunity only to assert their recognition. This is evident from Coke's plan in his circular from Wilmington, in 1791. It is plain from the large concessions made the laity in the "Republican Methodist Church," as organized by O'Kelly and his compeers. And great as was its success as a wide secession and a working polity, it can be shown that the introduction of this element was not the cause of the ultimate decadence of the new denomination. It was not sufficiently anchored in fundamental principles, and the true causes of its decay will be uncovered as its history is explored. But every fact entering into it will serve to demonstrate that the allegation is true: the Asburyan system was responsible for this, the first great division of the Church. American Methodist unity was destroyed by the established hierarchy of 1784, in less than a decade afterward. And yet but little can be said in extenuation of O'Kelly, who could not, would not wait, and had no plan to make the elements cohere and perpetuate themselves. In the General Conference of 1796 the right of appeal, [1] modified as the right of an elective presiding eldership, was brought forward; but the old leaders were not there, and the specter of secession, and the mongrel polity which grew out of it, cut the nerves of its power as an initial step to other reforms. Had he remained, with such coadjutors as Haggard, Hull, Bruce, Garrettson, Davis, and McKendree, there would have been hope, stimulated by the abuses which were practiced under the more rigid Episcopacy of the period from 1792 to 1796. Nothing remained, however, but a protesting minority, who fostered for years afterward the liberty they could not gain. All honor to them, and those who came after them, exhibiting heroic efforts for Reform in 1820, and again in 1824-30, and, with some measure of success for layrights, forty years later still. So true are the words of De Tocqueville, "Stubborn minorities are the hope of republics." The situation confronting both Asbury and O'Kelly was perilous in the extreme. Both leaders seem to have recoiled from the consequences and resorted to pacificatory means of averting a formal division. Give them both a hearing, something Bangs, Stevens, and others did not do; thus the golden mean will be observed. Asbury says: "Sunday 25" (November, about two weeks after the General Conference had adjourned) "Came to Manchester, and preached in the afternoon, and felt life amongst the people and preachers who were met for the district Conference. . . W. McKendree and R. H. [Rice Haggard] sent me their resignations in writing." A pause is demanded at the mention of McKendree. Every effort short of direct prevarication has been resorted to minify the conduct of this historical character of early Methodism as to his connection with the O'Kelly movement. Let all the facts be disclosed. William McKendree, or, as it is entered in the early minutes, McKendree, and confirmed by Alexander McCaine, who knew whereof he affirmed, to have been originally

he believed that his leaving the Conference was more out of fear of being brought to trial than on<br />

account of the appeal. But so it was, Mr. James O'Kelly never more united with the <strong>Methodist</strong>s."<br />

How insidiously insinuating! Lee does not furnish the name of this scandalizing preacher. Yet it<br />

seems he had not before heard of O'Kelly's grave heresies. As put by his traducer one is at a loss to<br />

find it except by the art of the disingenuous — the trick of those<br />

"Who can sever and divide,<br />

A hair 'twixt north and northwest side."<br />

But this paragraph from Lee has wrought great mischief to O'Kelly personally, and to the<br />

denomination he fathered and left behind him to this day. Lee speaks of him as "the old man."<br />

Stevens is led to reproduce the heresy motive, and to speak of him disparagingly. His excuse may<br />

be that he had nothing to guide him but Lee, and the old saw accounts for the bias he exhibits,<br />

followed by other historians of Methodism, that "when the wish is father to the thought, we are apt<br />

to draw upon our imagination for the facts." He says, "He was now a veteran, broken with age, an<br />

Irishman of fiery temperament, and, as usual with such temperaments, his conscience was weak and<br />

easily swayed by his prejudices; weak to yield to them, but strong to defend them." The truth is, that<br />

he was now only about fifty-eight years of age, and able to walk twelve miles with saddlebags and<br />

other impedimenta; and such was his vitality that he lived to be ninety-two years old. As to the<br />

heresy, the grain of truth in it shall be sifted out of the bushel of doctrinal slander.<br />

Secession pure and simple is rarely justified and as rarely succeeds. This was a case of secession<br />

pure and simple. So soon as O'Kelly's letter was received by the Conference, Asbury set Coke in<br />

motion to conciliate him if possible. He knew his worth and foresaw that it meant a heavy collateral<br />

loss, and he also knew his power, and that to cope with him challenged a giant's strength. O'Kelly<br />

tells how he was invited to an interview with Coke in private, how obsequious he was, and asked<br />

"pardon ten thousand times." He inquired then of O'Kelly on what terms he would return, and he<br />

answered, "Only let an injured man have an appeal." Then Coke gave the final word, "That cannot<br />

be granted." Let it be here observed that no one honestly desiring to know the truth of history as to<br />

these things will fail not to read only, but to allow full credit of general truthfulness to O'Kelly in his<br />

elaborate exposures in his "Apology." The temptation is strong to quote largely from it as offsetting<br />

the text of most historians who have taken pains to garner all the fragments of testimony of the<br />

opposite complexion, but forbearance will be exercised as this <strong>History</strong> is meant to observe the<br />

golden mean of extremes. His story, rigidly condensed, is that he left as Lee informs, accompanied<br />

by Rice Haggard, John Robinson, John Allen, William McKendree, and, perhaps, a few others, who<br />

subsequently helped him though they did not secede at this time, among them Hope Hull and Philip<br />

Bruce. He admits that he knew not what to do, except that he intended to keep on preaching; "but<br />

I have no intention of a separate party." Reaching home, in a few days messengers came to him from<br />

Asbury, expressing his sorrow at his departure; that he was his "right eye, right hand, and right foot."<br />

He promised him free access to the <strong>Methodist</strong> pulpits and £40 a year, because "I had suffered so<br />

much for the cause of truth and liberty." The former he says he accepted, but not the latter. Some<br />

time afterward he was sent a present of £10 by Asbury which, on the advice of friends, he received,<br />

and gave it the same day in part pay for a saddle-horse. "After these things I was met by one of their<br />

elders, who blamed me for leading the people into the nature of church government; whereas they<br />

had no business with such knowledge." The fact that he accepted the £10 was soon used against him

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!