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History Of Methodist Reform, Volume I - Media Sabda Org

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Coke having thrown the weight of his influence in favor of it also. The odds had been too much for<br />

Asbury. Snethen says, "It is well known what immense labor and difficulty it cost Mr. Asbury to<br />

maintain the non-representative system." It was his chief concern now to mold what he could not<br />

control. His Journal, however, for all these months gives no hint of the internecine struggle, except<br />

that he was unremitting in letter-writing to the preachers. No man knew better than he how to<br />

conciliate men either by epistolary contact or personal interview. It has been found that for many<br />

months, despite frequent letters of parley from Dr. Coke, he steadfastly refused to condone his<br />

conduct in the Bishop White affair and the circular he addressed the preachers favoring ostensibly<br />

radical changes in the <strong>Methodist</strong> government — he took not the slightest notice of him. But he kept<br />

close to O'Kelly and the American dissenters. In September, 1791, he records, "I received the olive<br />

branch from Virginia. All is peace; it was obtained by a kind letter from me to O'Kelly." Could the<br />

letters of that day be collected as to the prevailing contest, what a revelation they would be of<br />

political maneuvering, spiced with intrigue and craft. But that the truth of history, as to momentous<br />

issues, is involved, it would be well if the veil of oblivion were drawn over it.<br />

Though an organization was effected in 1784, there was no semblance of a Constitution, so that,<br />

for the period intervening, there was but one law — the will of Asbury. Snethen says, "No period<br />

of the same duration in the history of any church exhibits such a jumble of powers as ours did from<br />

1784 to 1792." The ostensible purpose of the General Conference was to review the doings of the<br />

Council and to supersede it; but O'Kelly and not a few of the leading preachers saw in it the<br />

opportunity for curtailing the powers of the Episcopacy. They, too, were busy through the mail<br />

disseminating their views. The right of appeal from the appointing power of the Bishop was their<br />

objective, and, as will be presently seen, they came to the Conference of 1792 in a decided majority.<br />

That there was quiet agitation among the laymen for changes giving them some recognition there can<br />

be no doubt, otherwise it is impossible to account for the favor with which the innovations made by<br />

O'Kelly in the seceding section under his lead in 1792-93 were received. Indeed, so complete was<br />

the subordination of the laity, that their interchanges of grievance were with bated breath. There is<br />

not wanting evidence that governmental questions were not discussed by the preachers with the laity,<br />

the prevailing opinion being that the less they knew of such matters the better. In many it begat an<br />

indifference to the whole subject of polity, and they were so willing through the indolence of human<br />

nature to waive its consideration, that it encouraged the arrogation of the preachers. Forcibly Snethen<br />

has put it: "Truly, if the people care not how the Church is governed, their governors will, in process<br />

of time, care little how they govern them. This indifference is one of the awful and undoubted<br />

evidences of the effects of an absolute government." By a species of heredity, it must be confessed<br />

it has come down to this day in the laymen of that Church. Knowing the subject to be under ban, the<br />

average member lives content with the peace of stagnation. It has been availed of, by the ministerial<br />

class, during all the uprisings of the thinking membership for the hundred years of its well-nigh<br />

ceaseless agitation. It was the affirmation in reply to the <strong>Reform</strong>ers of 1824-28, and so onward; the<br />

people do not wish participation in the government, or so soon as a sufficient number demand, heed<br />

will be paid; but more than forty years passed away before the General Conference of 1872 took the<br />

initial steps, and every concession from that date to this has been wrested from the clerical class; for<br />

voluntary surrender of power is a thing unknown to absolute systems. It will be seen, in the<br />

succeeding chapter, how the General Conference of 1792 rejected every proposition looking to a<br />

modification of the aristocratic polity.

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