Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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only, primarily by Jewish settlers and Israeli military personnel, would criss-cross the<br />
Palestinian cantons. These roads would in practice remain under Israeli sovereignty as well. In<br />
essence, the Israeli-American plan for the Palestinians meant that 200 small prisons would be<br />
turned into four or five larger ones, and Israel would control the land around them, between<br />
them, and the airspace above them. Palestine would not be allowed to border its neighbors,<br />
Jordan and Egypt. All land next to the borders would still be under Israeli control. The<br />
Palestinian people would thus remain under total Israeli military, political and economic<br />
control. Furthermore, as Seth Ackerman reported: ‘[i]n exchange for taking fertile West Bank<br />
lands that happen to contain most of the region’s scarce water aquifers, Israel [at Camp<br />
David] offered to give up a piece of territory in the Negev desert – about one-tenth the size of<br />
the land it would annex – including a former toxic waste dump.’ Nonetheless, the Israeli and<br />
US media somehow managed to produce and successfully spread a depiction of the Barak-<br />
Clinton plan as generous towards Palestinians, and PLO leader Arafat as the one who spoiled<br />
the party by subsequently rejecting the plan. 138<br />
The second major civilian Palestinian uprising, the Second Intifada or ‘Al-Aqsa<br />
Intifada’, erupted on September 28, 2000, and soon turned into a contained civil war,<br />
involving heavy weaponry on the Israeli side, again pitched against mainly stone-throwers but<br />
also a few light firearms, and from 2001 bombs and grenades for suicide attacks on the<br />
Palestinian side. Intense pressure from the US and other Israeli allies have so far kept the<br />
neighboring Arab states from attempting to intervene in the Intifadas as they had done in the<br />
wars of 1948, 1967 and 1973, although a majority of inhabitants of these countries would<br />
probably favor such an intervention, despite the overwhelming military hardware odds<br />
stacked against them.<br />
The promises to the Palestinians incorporated in the spirit of the Oslo accords, that a<br />
Palestinian sovereign state would be established by 1998, that the illegal settlements would<br />
disappear or at least stop expanding, had been postponed repeatedly or broken. The first five<br />
people to be killed in this Intifada, were again Palestinians, but somehow, the world’s<br />
dominant media, led by the pro-Israeli, privately-owned US media, managed to turn this<br />
around as well. Nine weeks later, at least 264 people had been killed in the violence in the<br />
Occupied Territories, all but 29 of them Palestinians (including ‘Israeli Arabs’) or foreign<br />
nationals killed by Israeli armed forces or settlers. 139 The US Secretary of State at the time,<br />
Madeleine Albright, referred to this situation as a ‘siege’ by the stone-throwing Palestinians of<br />
the state of Israel (see Chapter II.9.3). Youths with a Stone Age arsenal were allegedly<br />
besieging one of the five greatest military powers in the world, a diversified, hypermodern<br />
military machine with hundreds of nuclear bombs! In fact, the Israeli army had moved into<br />
nominally Palestinian territory, where almost all of the clashes were taking place. That is a sad<br />
138 See Ackerman, S.: The Myth of the Generous Offer: Distorting the Camp David Negotiations, 2002, for an<br />
excellent treatment of the subject. See also Chomsky: US-Israel-Palestine, 2002; Hass: The Myth of the State<br />
and the Reality of the Annexation, 2003. There is no known parallel to Bantustan policies in Graeco-Roman<br />
Egypt. The obvious reason is that there were no international laws or conventions at that time granting peoples<br />
the right to self-determination or demanding democracy, and consequently no need for such expensive and cruel<br />
hypocrisy. However, there were temples of the ancient Egyptian religion, within which impoverished Egyptian<br />
peasants were sometimes able to find asylum from the Ptolemaic or Roman state’s tax collectors. Led by the<br />
least unprivileged group of Egyptians – the priests – the temples, however, had no other known rights vis à vis<br />
the Graeco-Roman elites, and were thus much further away from true sovereignty than the Bantustans were.<br />
They were also of course even smaller in size, and the apartheid-regime-instated puppets, who were presumably<br />
in charge, had even less freedom than a South African or a Palestinian Bantustan authority did or does. Jews,<br />
similarly, were also granted asylum from tax collectors in the numerous synagogues that existed throughout<br />
Egypt in late ancient times. Fraser: Ptolemaic Alexandria, Volume I, 1972: 283f.<br />
139 N.N.: Israel Uses Excessive Force - Israeli Rights Group, December 6, 2000. Additionally, four foreign<br />
nationals had been killed by Israeli soldiers during this Intifada at this point in time. B’tselem, the Israeli human<br />
rights group, condemned Israel for ‘grave’ human rights violations. The news agency Reuters’ own, unofficial<br />
death toll was slightly higher, with at least 297 people killed, though that included people killed within Israel’s<br />
1967 borders, mainly Israeli Arabs, killed by Jews, which the B’tselem toll did not include.