Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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86<br />
The executive decision by the UN in 1947 to guarantee Israeli statehood came after the<br />
extent of the genocide of Jews in Europe had become known towards the end of World War<br />
II. It was widely felt that the Jews needed to protect themselves with a state apparatus from<br />
such persecution in the future. The number of displaced European Jews, people who had no<br />
homes to which they could return after the war, was very high. These were two of the main<br />
reasons why the UN Security Council members voted for the creation of a Jewish state in<br />
1948. Other reasons included well-mobilized Zionist lobbies and an arrogant and partial or<br />
total disregard among the decision-makers for the indigenous Arab population in Palestine<br />
and for the needs and wishes of Arabs and other colonialized people in general. While the UN<br />
mandate thus gives the existence of a modern state of Israel a certain degree of legitimacy, it<br />
would be cynical to overlook the facts that speak for a reassessment of the situation from a<br />
postcolonial and a post-apartheid human rights perspective. Theoretically speaking,<br />
colonialism is the next-door neighbor of apartheid, and as we have seen, also eligible to<br />
qualify as a crime against humanity. Jews owned only seven per cent of the territory of<br />
Palestine when Israel was created. Most of the rest of what is today Jewish-owned land in<br />
Historic Palestine was thus stolen.<br />
[T]he expulsion of the Palestinians was an inescapable outcome of the<br />
United Nations’ 1947 decision to partition Palestine into separate<br />
Jewish and Arab states the following year. (The Arab state never<br />
came into existence.) Before the partition, Jews comprised only onethird<br />
of the population of Palestine, which held some 608,000 Jews<br />
and 1,237,000 Arabs. Even within the area designated for Israel under<br />
the U.N. partition plan, the population consisted of some 500,000<br />
Jews and 330,000 Arabs. How could a country with such a large Arab<br />
minority become a Jewish homeland? 130<br />
The answer: around 750,000 Palestinians fled or were forced to leave their homes and<br />
villages during the 1948 war when Israel was created on the major part of the territory of the<br />
then British-mandate Palestine, for a minority of Jews, most of them very recent immigrant<br />
arrivals. Many Palestinians were also killed. The number of Palestinian refugees has since<br />
swollen to over four million in camps in the West Bank, Gaza and Arab states. There was a<br />
considerable increase in that number after the 1967 war, in which Palestine under nominal<br />
Arab rule ceased to exist. Prior to that war, Palestinians still had 22 per cent of their land left,<br />
afterwards they had nothing. Since then Israel has embarked on the longest military<br />
occupation in modern history: more than 39 years of relentlessly increasing Jewish military,<br />
paramilitary and civilian presence in the West Bank and Gaza. 131<br />
Worldwide, the number of Palestinian refugees, including only those of their<br />
descendants who qualify for UN refugee status, is currently estimated at over 4,500,000 – the<br />
largest and longest existing such population in the world today. Refugees still make up about<br />
60 per cent of all Palestinians. For some months after the 1967 war, Israel was ready to trade<br />
all the territories occupied in that war, except east Jerusalem, for peace with the Arabs. The<br />
latter refused and the gradual ethnic cleansing of Arabs started anew. At the same time,<br />
however, the Palestinians delivered cheap labor welcomed by the Israeli business community<br />
and a growing market for Israeli commodities, which the Palestinians were forced to purchase.<br />
Arab-made products were not allowed to be imported into the territories. Military occupation<br />
led to increasing encroachment on Palestinian land by both army and settlers. The Palestinian<br />
population also grew, as their land continued to shrink. 132<br />
130<br />
Miller, R.: The Palestinians’ Right of Return, no date. See also Mearsheimer & Walt: The Israel Lobby and<br />
U.S. Foreign Policy, 2006.<br />
131<br />
Said: Emerging Alternatives in Palestine, 2002<br />
132<br />
Hottelet: Heading toward <strong>Apartheid</strong> in Israel, 2000: 11