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86<br />

The executive decision by the UN in 1947 to guarantee Israeli statehood came after the<br />

extent of the genocide of Jews in Europe had become known towards the end of World War<br />

II. It was widely felt that the Jews needed to protect themselves with a state apparatus from<br />

such persecution in the future. The number of displaced European Jews, people who had no<br />

homes to which they could return after the war, was very high. These were two of the main<br />

reasons why the UN Security Council members voted for the creation of a Jewish state in<br />

1948. Other reasons included well-mobilized Zionist lobbies and an arrogant and partial or<br />

total disregard among the decision-makers for the indigenous Arab population in Palestine<br />

and for the needs and wishes of Arabs and other colonialized people in general. While the UN<br />

mandate thus gives the existence of a modern state of Israel a certain degree of legitimacy, it<br />

would be cynical to overlook the facts that speak for a reassessment of the situation from a<br />

postcolonial and a post-apartheid human rights perspective. Theoretically speaking,<br />

colonialism is the next-door neighbor of apartheid, and as we have seen, also eligible to<br />

qualify as a crime against humanity. Jews owned only seven per cent of the territory of<br />

Palestine when Israel was created. Most of the rest of what is today Jewish-owned land in<br />

Historic Palestine was thus stolen.<br />

[T]he expulsion of the Palestinians was an inescapable outcome of the<br />

United Nations’ 1947 decision to partition Palestine into separate<br />

Jewish and Arab states the following year. (The Arab state never<br />

came into existence.) Before the partition, Jews comprised only onethird<br />

of the population of Palestine, which held some 608,000 Jews<br />

and 1,237,000 Arabs. Even within the area designated for Israel under<br />

the U.N. partition plan, the population consisted of some 500,000<br />

Jews and 330,000 Arabs. How could a country with such a large Arab<br />

minority become a Jewish homeland? 130<br />

The answer: around 750,000 Palestinians fled or were forced to leave their homes and<br />

villages during the 1948 war when Israel was created on the major part of the territory of the<br />

then British-mandate Palestine, for a minority of Jews, most of them very recent immigrant<br />

arrivals. Many Palestinians were also killed. The number of Palestinian refugees has since<br />

swollen to over four million in camps in the West Bank, Gaza and Arab states. There was a<br />

considerable increase in that number after the 1967 war, in which Palestine under nominal<br />

Arab rule ceased to exist. Prior to that war, Palestinians still had 22 per cent of their land left,<br />

afterwards they had nothing. Since then Israel has embarked on the longest military<br />

occupation in modern history: more than 39 years of relentlessly increasing Jewish military,<br />

paramilitary and civilian presence in the West Bank and Gaza. 131<br />

Worldwide, the number of Palestinian refugees, including only those of their<br />

descendants who qualify for UN refugee status, is currently estimated at over 4,500,000 – the<br />

largest and longest existing such population in the world today. Refugees still make up about<br />

60 per cent of all Palestinians. For some months after the 1967 war, Israel was ready to trade<br />

all the territories occupied in that war, except east Jerusalem, for peace with the Arabs. The<br />

latter refused and the gradual ethnic cleansing of Arabs started anew. At the same time,<br />

however, the Palestinians delivered cheap labor welcomed by the Israeli business community<br />

and a growing market for Israeli commodities, which the Palestinians were forced to purchase.<br />

Arab-made products were not allowed to be imported into the territories. Military occupation<br />

led to increasing encroachment on Palestinian land by both army and settlers. The Palestinian<br />

population also grew, as their land continued to shrink. 132<br />

130<br />

Miller, R.: The Palestinians’ Right of Return, no date. See also Mearsheimer & Walt: The Israel Lobby and<br />

U.S. Foreign Policy, 2006.<br />

131<br />

Said: Emerging Alternatives in Palestine, 2002<br />

132<br />

Hottelet: Heading toward <strong>Apartheid</strong> in Israel, 2000: 11

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