Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
74 others’) structures and acts of oppression at home. No doubt, colonial powers were always class societies, and they do not necessarily seem to favor their own underclass any more than that of the colony. But that is beside the point. Not only the quantity, but the quality of systematic human rights violations is apt to vary, perhaps chiefly between: Colonial, e.g. India, Nigeria or Hong Kong under British rule, Equatorial Guinea under Spanish rule, England under Roman rule, ancient Egypt under Assyrian and Persian rule, Indonesia under Dutch rule, Chechnya or even East Germany under Soviet rule, or Brazil under Portuguese rule; Apartheid, e.g. white-ruled South Africa, Graeco-Roman Egypt, present-day Israel, Outremer, Guatemala and Bolivia from soon after the conquest by the Spanish, independent Cuba and independent Brazil, both at least until the middle of the 20 th century, Rhodesia, independent Paraguay, Tunisia under Phoenician rule, Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in the British Isles prior to the Viking and Norman conquests, independent Viking kingdoms in the British Isles and Normandy; Genocidal 97 , e.g. the Caribbean islands under European occupation in the 15 th to 19 th centuries, Nazi Germany, Patagonia, Tierra del Fuego, and other large parts of North and South America, especially of the USA and of Canada, New Zealand and Australia, 97 Like apartheid, genocide is not only about physical violence. The German Nazi courts would condemn people to ‘death through work’, a particularly brutal kind of slavery. Other economic dimensions of genocide include the land and property confiscations for which genocide has often been perpetrated, as well as the infamous collection and use of gold tooth fillings from Nazi gas chamber victims, of their skin for lampshades and soap, or the British use of Tasmanian people’s skin for tobacco pouches, etc. Furthermore, Nazi and Japanese scientists would use live humans as guinea pigs for excruciatingly painful ‘scientific’ experiments during the Second World War, often leading to the slow death of the subject. The ideological and psychopathological dimensions of genocide (repression, ethnocentrism, megalomania, de-humanization of the victims, sadism, inferiority complexes, etc.) are additional common aspects of genocidal oppression. See Diamond 1993 (1992): 276ff; Löwstedt: Über die Verdrängung der künstlichen Ausrottung im Darwinismus: Ursachen, Vorläufer und Alternativen, 1998: 197-209. Tasmania ran the whole gamut from colony to apartheid to genocide of the indigenous, carried out in tandem by the British settlers and the army. In 1803, the white ‘civilian’ settlers were brought in, and three years later, the systematic killings began. See Stone 1999. (Incidentally, the founder of modern evolutionary theory, Charles Darwin, was a witness (first- or second-hand) to this as well as to the genocide of Khoikhoi in the Cape Colony and of Native Americans in Patagonia and Tierra del Fuego. It is increasingly becoming clear that his theory of evolution was conceived and formulated both to explain such events and to justify such practices, i.e. different varieties of artificial elimination, invariably carried out by Whites against non-Whites, as well as natural selection, although the former were played down and even repressed by him and by his followers. Instead, the birds and turtles of the Galapagos Islands have been emphasized as decisive for Darwin’s insights and his formulation of the theory of evolution. See Desmond & Moore: Darwin, 1991: xxi, 141ff; Löwstedt 1998: 202ff. on the theoretical implications of downplaying and marginalizing elimination in favor of selection for both anthropology and evolution theory.) The indigenous inhabitants of every single country in the Western Hemisphere have gone through prolonged horror and misery as a colonial and/or apartheid and/or genocidal society. Most of them probably experienced and died from all three forms of ethnicist human rights violations. For example, Guatemala during the 1980s could fit in with genocidal as well as apartheid societies, with an estimated 200,000 of the oppressed indigenous Maya, Garifuna and Xinca being killed off quietly – i.e. without much fuss in international relations or in the mass media – and mostly indiscriminately, by neo-fascists of mainly Spanish stock, who in their turn depended crucially on support from the USA. See footnote 45, above, and further Miller, T.C.: Guatemalans to Sue Top Lawmaker Over Genocide, 2001; Chomsky: Year 501: The Conquest Continues, 1993; Herman & Chomsky: Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media, 1994 (1988): 73ff, 104ff. Racism against the indigenous majority remains a great problem in Guatemala today. The situation there resembles South Africa, though the indigenous could currently to some extent even be considered to be worse off in the Central American country. The United Nations has urged private and public institutions to counteract discrimination (like in post-apartheid South Africa) by employing more members of indigenous groups through introducing affirmative action programs and also to ‘...consider legislation that would for the first time make racial discrimination a criminal offense. Such reforms have previously met opposition in a country dominated by an economic elite that has historically exploited the Mayans as a source of cheap, and at times forced, labor.’ Brosnan: Guatemala Must Remedy Inequality of Indians - UN, 2001
especially Tasmania, Namibia under German and South African rule, Libya under Italian rule, Bosnian Serb society in the early 1990s, Rwanda in May and June 1994; and Domestic settings. Only the latter of these four would include the phenomena typically studied and explained by Marxist, psychoanalytic and feminist and many other theories. It would also include majoritarian and ethnicist, but non-genocidal human rights violations, such as the use of imported slaves, indentured servants, or ‘guest workers’. There will of course also be overlapping areas between genocide and domestic, ethnicist oppression. There will in fact always be at least a possibility of mixed forms of systematic human rights violations along with inevitable overlaps. Nevertheless, apartheid is closer to genocide than colonialism is. Apartheid occupies an intermediate position, between the other two, with regard to all basic aspects of the systematic human rights violations: violence, population policies and practices, expropriation of territory and other kinds of private and collective property, language and ideology, the severity of discrimination and exploitation, etc. As opposed to being too uncritical of Marxism as ‘taking care of material oppression’, on the other hand, any material aspects of oppression might be overlooked by postcolonial theory altogether. This is a common temptation in the so-called ‘Information Age’, in which the already very powerful new philosophical and social scientific traditions of discourse theory and postmodernism allow us meaningful contact with the real world only through the media of symbols or systems of symbols. 98 The word ‘racism’, for example, has deplorably come to signify a state of mind or a set of beliefs only, and mostly does not refer to processes, to acts of war and oppression, at all – other than twists of logic or verbal outbursts, of course. Earlier, the term ‘racialism’ used to refer more to oppressive practices, but that term has now become a less used synonym for ‘racism’. 99 In interaction with these new traditions, postcolonial theory has also come to focus on symbols, rather than practices, of racism. This over-emphasis on ‘meaning and mentality, ideology and culture’ is, however, sometimes being lamented with regard to racism and systematic human rights violations in South African history. 100 In this context, I believe it must be understood that postcolonial theory has tended to focus on symbolism partly due to this being the area in which the current white elites offer the least resistance. They are much more likely to admit that ‘mistakes’ have been made here, among other things in order to deflect and avoid the more concrete and substantial demands for material reparations – not to mention criminal liability – for any of the crimes against humanity perpetrated by them, including colonialism, neocolonialism, apartheid, genocide, and slavery. It is much easier and vastly preferable for these elites to say ‘sorry’, and blame the mentalities and ideologies of yesteryear, rather than to give the stolen land or artifacts back, to face criminal charges, or to pay reparations for destruction wrought, lives taken, or for labor, culture, and nature exploited. On the other hand, postcolonial theory has been influenced to a large extent by certain strands of Marxism, and much of that influence has no doubt been fruitful. Yet, some aspects of the traditional Marxist-Leninist theory of colonialism seem to have been less than useful to characterize apartheid, as the following assessment, made on the eve of liberation from apartheid in South Africa, points out: The concept of settler society is both useful and misleading in 98 Petraglia-Bahri 1996; Howarth: Discourse Theory, 1995: 115-133. See Sardar: Postmodernism and the Other: The New Imperialism of Western Culture, 1998 for a profound critique of neo-imperialist and neo-colonialist aspects of postmodernism. 99 Race/Racism, in Bullock, Stallybrass & Trombley: Dictionary of Modern Thought, 1988 (1977): 714. There are also various uses of ‘racialism’ as a technical term, e.g. in Fredrickson 2002: 153f, or in Miles 1989: 53f. 100 Keegan 1996: vii 75
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especially Tasmania, Namibia under German and South African rule, Libya under Italian<br />
rule, Bosnian Serb society in the early 1990s, Rwanda in May and June 1994;<br />
and Domestic settings.<br />
Only the latter of these four would include the phenomena typically studied and<br />
explained by Marxist, psychoanalytic and feminist and many other theories. It would also<br />
include majoritarian and ethnicist, but non-genocidal human rights violations, such as the use<br />
of imported slaves, indentured servants, or ‘guest workers’. There will of course also be<br />
overlapping areas between genocide and domestic, ethnicist oppression. There will in fact<br />
always be at least a possibility of mixed forms of systematic human rights violations along<br />
with inevitable overlaps. Nevertheless, apartheid is closer to genocide than colonialism is.<br />
<strong>Apartheid</strong> occupies an intermediate position, between the other two, with regard to all basic<br />
aspects of the systematic human rights violations: violence, population policies and practices,<br />
expropriation of territory and other kinds of private and collective property, language and<br />
ideology, the severity of discrimination and exploitation, etc.<br />
As opposed to being too uncritical of Marxism as ‘taking care of material oppression’,<br />
on the other hand, any material aspects of oppression might be overlooked by postcolonial<br />
theory altogether. This is a common temptation in the so-called ‘Information Age’, in which<br />
the already very powerful new philosophical and social scientific traditions of discourse<br />
theory and postmodernism allow us meaningful contact with the real world only through the<br />
media of symbols or systems of symbols. 98<br />
The word ‘racism’, for example, has deplorably come to signify a state of mind or a<br />
set of beliefs only, and mostly does not refer to processes, to acts of war and oppression, at all<br />
– other than twists of logic or verbal outbursts, of course. Earlier, the term ‘racialism’ used to<br />
refer more to oppressive practices, but that term has now become a less used synonym for<br />
‘racism’. 99 In interaction with these new traditions, postcolonial theory has also come to focus<br />
on symbols, rather than practices, of racism. This over-emphasis on ‘meaning and mentality,<br />
ideology and culture’ is, however, sometimes being lamented with regard to racism and<br />
systematic human rights violations in South African history. 100<br />
In this context, I believe it must be understood that postcolonial theory has tended to<br />
focus on symbolism partly due to this being the area in which the current white elites offer the<br />
least resistance. They are much more likely to admit that ‘mistakes’ have been made here,<br />
among other things in order to deflect and avoid the more concrete and substantial demands<br />
for material reparations – not to mention criminal liability – for any of the crimes against<br />
humanity perpetrated by them, including colonialism, neocolonialism, apartheid, genocide,<br />
and slavery. It is much easier and vastly preferable for these elites to say ‘sorry’, and blame<br />
the mentalities and ideologies of yesteryear, rather than to give the stolen land or artifacts<br />
back, to face criminal charges, or to pay reparations for destruction wrought, lives taken, or<br />
for labor, culture, and nature exploited.<br />
On the other hand, postcolonial theory has been influenced to a large extent by certain<br />
strands of Marxism, and much of that influence has no doubt been fruitful. Yet, some aspects<br />
of the traditional Marxist-Leninist theory of colonialism seem to have been less than useful to<br />
characterize apartheid, as the following assessment, made on the eve of liberation from<br />
apartheid in South Africa, points out:<br />
The concept of settler society is both useful and misleading in<br />
98 Petraglia-Bahri 1996; Howarth: Discourse Theory, 1995: 115-133. See Sardar: Postmodernism and the Other:<br />
The New Imperialism of Western Culture, 1998 for a profound critique of neo-imperialist and neo-colonialist<br />
aspects of postmodernism.<br />
99 Race/Racism, in Bullock, Stallybrass & Trombley: Dictionary of Modern Thought, 1988 (1977): 714. There<br />
are also various uses of ‘racialism’ as a technical term, e.g. in Fredrickson 2002: 153f, or in Miles 1989: 53f.<br />
100 Keegan 1996: vii<br />
75