Apartheid

Apartheid Apartheid

media.manila.at
from media.manila.at More from this publisher
21.07.2013 Views

70 minorities that they are inherently superior and the indigenous majorities that they are inherently inferior. Much of apartheid thought is shaped by typical war propaganda. The enemy is dehumanized by both sides’ ideologies, but mostly so by the invaders and their descendants. A related essential feature of all apartheid ideologies is ‘de-secularization’, a reliance on alleged divine revelation as a source of information about the world and an attempted legitimization of war and oppression, on the one hand, and the use of religion as an ‘opium’ for the oppressed people (including the potentially oppositional members of the privileged minority, of which there always seem to be quite a few), on the other. This is not an automatic feature that has an effect on the thought of every individual, but it is an overall trend noticeable in, and characteristic of each apartheid society. Other essentials within this category are the comparatively large amounts of manipulated information, bias, misinformation, and propaganda, as well as the unfree flow of information in apartheid societies. The apartheid elites manage most of the information, manipulate much of it, and guard their control over it jealously. If only one of these nine categories is missing in a society, I would still call it ‘apartheid’. The most obvious examples are Egypt under Imperial Roman rule, in which the oppressive ethnic minority was always mainly of Greek descent, and South Africa under Imperial British or colonial Dutch rule, where the oppressive ethnic minority was always mainly of Dutch descent. In both of these instances, my third category, ‘Citizenship’, was missing, since the countries were not independent during these periods. Yet, there were other oppressive instances of the use of citizenship here: not as oppressive, but still able to target the oppressed indigenous majority from Rome and London, respectively. I believe the label ‘apartheid’ can still be useful even if two of the nine apartheid conditions are missing, but that was never or hardly ever the case in the three apartheid societies that are the focus of this investigation. My definition is neither essentialist nor arbitrary. It is a flexible definition, the focus of which may be allowed by the investigator to shift. Any (two) of the nine categories may in practice be disregarded in case the whole system of oppression is in focus. Nonetheless, the basic underlying structure is the same. Without implying or requiring a Platonic, conceptual idealism, there is a kind of ‘ideal apartheid’, or better: a ‘full-blown apartheid’, for instance observable 1948-1994 CE in South Africa, as well as in Israel 1948 CE until the present, or in Egypt from 323-30 BCE and it manifests itself with the presence of all nine categories. 8. Beyond Postcolonial and Postmodern Theory: The Study of Ethnicism and Apartheid in the Context of Some Recent Theories of Oppression The dawn of the 20 th century had a single academically articulated or ‘scientific’ theory of systematic oppression: Marxism, the theory of class struggles. Soon, a theory of systematic oppression, or ‘repression’, within the individual followed, Sigmund Freud’s (and also Alfred Adler’s) psychoanalysis. The end of the century saw the emergence of feminism, a powerful theory of gender-based systematic oppression. Still missing, however, is a comprehensive theory of structured or systematic racist or ethnicist human rights violations, the long-term effects of which are becoming increasingly acute in the current, globalizing world. For instance, ten years after the formal ending of apartheid, South Africa remained the country with the largest income differences in the world, with the possible exception of Brazil, and those differences still basically run along race lines, in both South Africa and

Brazil. 91 There are of course exceptions, but in general Blacks are poor and Whites are rich. The entire continent of Africa, which may – currently and historically – perhaps be considered the primary victim of racist human rights violations, is poorer than ever in relationship to the rest of the world. Not only the violence against Africa or the oppression and ignorance of Africa, or of Blacks, or even of non-Whites, however, might be better understood with the aid of such a theory, but racism or ethnicism against whomever, perpetrated by whomever, wherever and whenever these phenomena crop up. I wish to contribute to the emergence of such a theory or at least to a kind of preliminary understanding of some of the main problems involved with this investigation. Postcolonial theory studies the closely related phenomena of colonialization and decolonialization, but fails to account for the scene of the crime being understood, at home and abroad, as the home country of the relatively large oppressive minority which consists of invaders and their descendants. It also disregards the presence of an independent economy and polity, conditions that broadly characterize apartheid societies, but not colonial ones. Nonetheless, apartheid societies, such as South Africa or modern Israel, are usually considered part of colonialism in the postcolonialist discourse. Strictly speaking, however, South Africa has been postcolonial since 1910, at the very latest, when it gained formal independence from Britain. The fact that decolonialization (more accurately: ‘deapartheidization’) in South Africa was not even initiated formally until after eighty particularly traumatic years of intensifying violence and oppression should be seen as more than just an anomaly in postcolonial theory if it wishes to include the South African experience under its umbrella. Apartheid societies, whether in the wide or narrow sense, are therefore essentially different from colonialized ones. 92 The distinction between ‘settler’ and ‘non-settler’ colonies is one attempt to solve the problem for postcolonial theory, but it seems to confuse more than it explains in an attempt to 91 N.N.: Black Income in South Africa Nears Whites’, Still Lags, March 18, 2001. The article states that the income disparities between the rich and the poor in South Africa are only matched by those in Brazil, where strong traditions of severe racist oppression, including racist slavery, also play significant roles. (See, for example, Darlington: Brazil’s Blacks Battle Myth of “Racial Democracy”, 2001; Figueiredo: Brazil – The Black Stake, 2003 on continued institutional racism in Brazil today.) An emerging small black elite in South Africa had more than doubled its income from 1996 to 2001, but apart from that the income differences in South Africa are essentially racial differences. In 2001, the 11 per cent white minority still earned 44 per cent of the country’s net income, whereas the 77 per cent black majority earned only 43.4 per cent. N.N. March 18, 2001 cites a study by the University of South Africa (UNISA) as well as a World Bank report. See further, N.N.: Mbeki Says South Africa is Still Two Nations, May 29, 2001. However, some of the blame for the situation today, for continued economic apartheid, must be given to the numerous neoliberal policies of the post-apartheid, ANC-led governments. From 1996 to 2002, for example, the average black household got 19 per cent poorer, while the average white household got 15 per cent richer. See Ngwane: Sparks in the Township, 2003. Of course, one could argue that the ANC had no choice in the matter: either adapt to globalized capitalism or go under. There are, however, other important aspects to the socio-economic development of South Africa since apartheid. According to the most cited research, Blacks have closed the gap to Whites in terms of income. However, inequality is increasing within racial groups, and the net effect is uncertain. Since 1970, black per capita income rose from 3,000 to 8,000 Rand in constant 2000 prices. See Stoddard: S.Africa Intra-Race Disparities on the Rise-Studies, 2004. Yet, the year 1970 probably represents the height (or close to it) of racial inequality in income. Other apartheid years in which Blacks were better off financially than they are now could most probably be found. See Chapter II.5.2, below. 92 For the concept of anomaly in ‘normal science’, see Kuhn: The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2 1970: 52- 76. Although I hold colonies and apartheid societies to be essentially different, there are inevitably gray zones represented by, for instance, South Africa under British, or Egypt under Roman rule. In both of these societies, however, the Dutch and Greek descendants, respectively, remained the majority of (oppressive) Whites, whereas the Romans and the British mostly played official and customary colonial roles. Keeping the citizenship of the mother country, they were also able to return home at any time or at least after their missions had been completed. The vast majority of victims in all four societies, however, were indigenous Africans. There is not yet a satisfactory general theory to account for the ethnicism, the racism, which is at work here and in countless other situations. 71

70<br />

minorities that they are inherently superior and the indigenous majorities that they are<br />

inherently inferior. Much of apartheid thought is shaped by typical war propaganda. The<br />

enemy is dehumanized by both sides’ ideologies, but mostly so by the invaders and their<br />

descendants. A related essential feature of all apartheid ideologies is ‘de-secularization’, a<br />

reliance on alleged divine revelation as a source of information about the world and an<br />

attempted legitimization of war and oppression, on the one hand, and the use of religion as an<br />

‘opium’ for the oppressed people (including the potentially oppositional members of the<br />

privileged minority, of which there always seem to be quite a few), on the other. This is not an<br />

automatic feature that has an effect on the thought of every individual, but it is an overall<br />

trend noticeable in, and characteristic of each apartheid society. Other essentials within this<br />

category are the comparatively large amounts of manipulated information, bias,<br />

misinformation, and propaganda, as well as the unfree flow of information in apartheid<br />

societies. The apartheid elites manage most of the information, manipulate much of it, and<br />

guard their control over it jealously.<br />

If only one of these nine categories is missing in a society, I would still call it<br />

‘apartheid’. The most obvious examples are Egypt under Imperial Roman rule, in which the<br />

oppressive ethnic minority was always mainly of Greek descent, and South Africa under<br />

Imperial British or colonial Dutch rule, where the oppressive ethnic minority was always<br />

mainly of Dutch descent. In both of these instances, my third category, ‘Citizenship’, was<br />

missing, since the countries were not independent during these periods. Yet, there were other<br />

oppressive instances of the use of citizenship here: not as oppressive, but still able to target the<br />

oppressed indigenous majority from Rome and London, respectively. I believe the label<br />

‘apartheid’ can still be useful even if two of the nine apartheid conditions are missing, but that<br />

was never or hardly ever the case in the three apartheid societies that are the focus of this<br />

investigation.<br />

My definition is neither essentialist nor arbitrary. It is a flexible definition, the focus of<br />

which may be allowed by the investigator to shift. Any (two) of the nine categories may in<br />

practice be disregarded in case the whole system of oppression is in focus. Nonetheless, the<br />

basic underlying structure is the same. Without implying or requiring a Platonic, conceptual<br />

idealism, there is a kind of ‘ideal apartheid’, or better: a ‘full-blown apartheid’, for instance<br />

observable 1948-1994 CE in South Africa, as well as in Israel 1948 CE until the present, or in<br />

Egypt from 323-30 BCE and it manifests itself with the presence of all nine categories.<br />

8. Beyond Postcolonial and Postmodern Theory: The Study of Ethnicism<br />

and <strong>Apartheid</strong> in the Context of Some Recent Theories of Oppression<br />

The dawn of the 20 th century had a single academically articulated or ‘scientific’<br />

theory of systematic oppression: Marxism, the theory of class struggles. Soon, a theory of<br />

systematic oppression, or ‘repression’, within the individual followed, Sigmund Freud’s (and<br />

also Alfred Adler’s) psychoanalysis. The end of the century saw the emergence of feminism, a<br />

powerful theory of gender-based systematic oppression. Still missing, however, is a<br />

comprehensive theory of structured or systematic racist or ethnicist human rights violations,<br />

the long-term effects of which are becoming increasingly acute in the current, globalizing<br />

world.<br />

For instance, ten years after the formal ending of apartheid, South Africa remained the<br />

country with the largest income differences in the world, with the possible exception of<br />

Brazil, and those differences still basically run along race lines, in both South Africa and

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!