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outbreak of the Palestinians’ Second Intifada (uprising) in September 2000. In this situation,<br />

the apartheid business elites obviously still want indigenous employees, whose labor<br />

ultimately costs less, but they are overruled by the military and political elites who prefer<br />

gradual expulsion or even annihilation of the indigenous people and their gradual replacement<br />

by a more ‘cooperative’ (docile) labor force and reserve labor force, which, however, first has<br />

to be imported, acclimatized, taught the language, etc. As soon as things quieten down, the<br />

Israeli business elites may find allies among the political or military elites who are ready to<br />

make ‘concessions’ to Palestinians in order to get them back to work.<br />

Furthermore, apartheid was never chiefly a matter of prejudice and cultural or religious<br />

differences, but, a great deal more importantly, concrete and material violence and<br />

exploitation. <strong>Apartheid</strong> takes place on the ground at least as much as it does in people’s<br />

minds. This judgement is not meant to marginalize the important ideological warfare and<br />

propaganda that, I hope to show, are also defining characteristics of every apartheid society.<br />

Yet, too much emphasis on racism, and a forteriori on apartheid, as a psychological, symbolic<br />

or mental phenomenon, e.g. as ‘prejudice’ or a ‘discourse’, or even as a mental disease, may<br />

indeed skew the understanding of apartheid’s many fundamental material and concrete<br />

aspects. Just because human ‘races’ do not ultimately exist in the real world, but only in<br />

people’s minds, does not mean that racism does not exist in the real world.<br />

Lastly, apartheid was never merely a state of war between different peoples either, but<br />

also a matter of invasion, oppression, theft, intimidation, and exploitative economic and social<br />

relationships. In other words, it does not only consist of endlessly spinning cycles of<br />

retaliatory violence; it has discernible, and indeed identifiable, beginnings, and it is essentially<br />

much more than mere violence. In fact, it is sometimes written off as a war that will never end<br />

and can never end, as something inevitable, something spuriously based in human genes or<br />

culture: Blacks or Non-Whites must fight Whites, and vice versa, Arabs (or Muslims) must<br />

fight Jews, and vice versa.<br />

For reasons such as these, the United Nations (UN) in 1968, as well as South Africa’s<br />

Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in its 1998 Final Report, the International<br />

Criminal Court (ICC), in Article 7 of its 1999 Statutes, and many other authoritative and/or<br />

ethically oriented bodies and individuals have classified and condemned apartheid as a crime<br />

against humanity.<br />

* * *<br />

<strong>Apartheid</strong> is not a very complicated phenomenon. I already outlined it, in mainly<br />

negative terms, within the space of a few paragraphs above. The essence of apartheid and its<br />

explication in positive terms, however, appear to be more difficult to grasp. Why? In the<br />

course of this investigation, I will deal with several propaganda smokescreens and ideological<br />

traps – more or less consciously devised by the oppressive ethnic minorities and their allies –<br />

in order to obscure the nature of the beast, so that it can remain poised to strike, as it were,<br />

entirely unsuspected, from a well-camouflaged ambush position. Once the system of apartheid<br />

has been formally defeated, personal and institutional responsibility for apartheid is also<br />

shirked with the aid of such manipulations. For example, no civilian members of South<br />

Africa’s white population have been found guilty of apartheid, a crime against humanity, by<br />

any court of law. And in that country, the elites still talk far more often about the ‘apartheid<br />

state’ than about any ‘apartheid society’. So far, consciously intended mystification has<br />

proven to be one efficient, although far from sufficient, way among many of prolonging the<br />

lives of apartheid societies, even beyond their formal or official demise. Apparently, then,<br />

there is life after death for apartheid. This also becomes a burning issue with the current, neoliberal<br />

reforms of South Africa’s post-apartheid economy, which statistically have made white<br />

families richer and black families poorer, at least between 1996 and 2002, though in a manner<br />

fundamentally different from apartheid in the traditional sense. Previously boycotted and<br />

5

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