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all agricultural land in Guatemala is owned by just two per cent of the population. 45<br />

Aside from the short-lived exception of the fledgling Sandinista government in<br />

neighboring Nicaragua during the 1980s, the Guatemalan apartheid elites were surrounded by<br />

regimes friendly to theirs. Right-wing, pro-US, and mostly fascist and racist regimes have<br />

since long formed a transnational system of oppression of the indigenous peoples and of<br />

others in Central America, many or most aspects of which reach beyond that immediate<br />

region into North and South America, and the world. In the neighboring Caribbean region, on<br />

the other hand, the indigenous were first exploited and decimated, subsequently wiped out of<br />

existence, and then a forcibly imported ethnic majority was oppressed and exploited.<br />

The Guatemalan geo-political situation is thus principally different from the South<br />

African, the Israeli and the Graeco-Roman apartheid societies, which are characterized by<br />

geopolitical isolation within their regions, by hostile neighboring countries (if independent),<br />

and by matching elite attitudes and collective behavior in the apartheid country that<br />

sometimes or often amounts to political, military and social paranoia.<br />

Furthermore, like Rhodesia, Guatemala was never a military, political or economic<br />

power on the global or even regional scale ever since the time that the land was first stolen by<br />

the Europeans. Despite these important differences, Guatemala seems to me to have more in<br />

common with apartheid South Africa (and with Graeco-Roman Egypt and modern Israel) than<br />

any of the other societies considered in this chapter do, except perhaps for the now following<br />

society: Outremer. In the formal sense of my definition of apartheid (see below) Guatemala is<br />

even more of an apartheid society than Rhodesia is, mainly because of its larger oppressive<br />

ethnic minority, around 40 per cent of the entire population, and its much longer period of<br />

formal political independence. 46<br />

45 Maher (senior editor): The Europa World Year Book, 2001: 1804ff (Article ‘Guatemala’); Haviland: Cultural<br />

Anthropology, 5 1987: 401-404; Ellwood: The No-Nonsense Guide to Globalization, 2001: 15; Daniel: Fifty<br />

Years On, Coup Memories Fade in Guatemala, 2004; Brosnan: Guatemala Court Annuls Rights Convictions,<br />

2002; N.N.: US-Guatemala: Clinton Admits US Military Aid Was Wrong, March 11, 1999. Since Clinton never<br />

offered an apology, Guatemala has no way of demanding compensation from its mighty northern neighbor. In a<br />

country like Colombia, on the other hand, the Native Americans have now been reduced to 2.5 per cent of the<br />

population. It is therefore much better described as ‘genocidal’ than as ‘apartheid’. See Abultaif: Colombian<br />

Tribes Hold Rally against ‘Genocide’, 2001. Colombia, however, has been compared to apartheid Israel, mainly<br />

in terms of the two countries’ governments fighting wars for the USA, displacing millions of indigenous people,<br />

murdering hundreds of thousands more, legitimizing state terrorism in terms of a fight against terrorism, and<br />

refusing to solve or even recognize the basic problems behind the violence. See Mondragon: The South<br />

American Israel, 2003. Brazil, similar to Colombia, is probably about to see the extinction of its native<br />

population soon, as it is already down to less than one per cent of the total population. See Fenton 1999: 41. In<br />

Peru, the indigenous are also severely marginalized, although they still amount to 33 per cent of the population.<br />

See Mellado: Peru Party Seeks to Reclaim Power for Native People, 2002. On Guatemala, see also North<br />

American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) editors: An Interview with Rigoberta Menchu, 1996, where the<br />

Guatemalan Nobel Peace Prize laureate refers to ‘apartheid in Guatemala’ in previous years. Not until December<br />

2001 was there a first compensation to victims when an equivalent of $1.8 million was paid to families of 226<br />

men, women and children massacred by soldiers and paramilitaries in the village of Las Dos Erres in 1982.<br />

Brosnan: Guatemala Compensates Wartime Massacre Survivors, 2001. See also: Brosnan: Guatemalan Human<br />

Rights Worker Shot Dead, 2002. On femicide in Guatemala, see footnote 296, below.<br />

46 Furthermore, due to the high percentage of Europeans and the manner in which they established themselves,<br />

Guatemala is closer to a genocidal society than Rhodesia – an essentially colonialist atrocity with an apartheid<br />

veneer towards the end of its existence – ever was. Also similar to Guatemala is Bolivia, the poorest country in<br />

South America and one of the poorest in the Western Hemisphere. There, too, a minority of Whites has<br />

dominated a sixty per cent indigenous majority. For 500 years, the indigenous have been denied jobs and<br />

education. Until the 1950s, most of them were virtual slaves in mines or on plantations. Until recently, they were<br />

poorly represented politically, and indigenous lawmakers, slowly growing in numbers, were still unable to<br />

address Congress in their native languages. In 2002, Evo Morales became the first indigenous person to contest<br />

run-off presidential elections. He lost the election, but gained 21 per cent of the vote, which was widely seen as<br />

an encouraging sign by the oppressed majority indigenous groups. See Jones: Bolivia’s Indians Win Long-<br />

Awaited Political Voice, 2002. In 2005, Morales won the presidential elections with an absolute majority after<br />

three years of worsening neo-liberal concentration of wealth and power. He is the first indigenous person to win<br />

45

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