Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
44 brokered peace agreement. Between 2000 and 2002, in events marred by controversy and by violence (yet very little of it compared to violence accompanying the initial white land grab), the Zimbabwean government took back 11 million hectares of land from white farmers, without any compensation paid. The land restitution issues that now (superficially) seem to divide white and black Zimbabweans more than ever are issues that are also widely expected to rise to prominence in South African domestic politics soon. 44 Independent Rhodesia was an apartheid society. But it was short-lived, and during its 15-year life span it never achieved the degree of forced separation between ethnic groups and entrenched discrimination of the indigenous majority that South Africa did. Furthermore, Rhodesia had a very small invading ethnic group, never even attaining four per cent of the total population. In this sense, it remained more of a colony in its style of oppression, even after ‘independence’, which was basically a buffer zone role for South Africa’s apartheid elites, and thus less independent than most other apartheid societies. Finally, the Rhodesian state never became a world political, economic or military power, as did all three of the main examples of apartheid in this investigation. Spanish Mayhem in Guatemala The Mayan civilization, older than Spain’s, can still be found in southern Mexico, Belize and Guatemala, where the Mayans are still the majority. Guatemala was created from the invasion and conquest by Spanish adventurers 500 years ago, and has been suffering severely from theirs and their descendants’ presence ever since. Not many immigrants have added to the foreign presence of the privileged minority of Spaniards, whose independence from Spain and then from Mexico led to a society that has also been compared to apartheid in South Africa. In the 1940s, some democratic reforms for the benefit of the indigenous were introduced, but they were withdrawn after a coup by Guatemalan military officers with US assistance in 1954. A bloody civil conflict ensued and did not end until the late 1990s. An estimated 200,000 people were killed in Guatemala between 1960 and 1996, and the killing still goes on, in particular political assassinations of human rights workers attempting to clarify facts about atrocities committed before 1996. Human rights groups seeking to bring military officials to justice are still being targeted by a slew of death threats and lethal attacks, which many attribute to elements within the army. Young indigenous women are also being raped and murdered, apparently by members of the country’s armed forces, in what may be attributable to an apartheid legacy (see Section II.1, below.) In numerous ways similar to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa, the Guatemalan Commission for Historical Clarification noted in its 1999 final report that 93 per cent of human rights violations during that conflict had been perpetrated by the ethnic European-dominated armed forces and state paramilitaries, i.e. by the oppressive ethnic minority. The report also stated that the counter-insurgency of 1981-1983 amounted to ‘genocide’ of the indigenous Mayans and that the USA had financed, trained, equipped and encouraged some of the Guatemalan forces responsible for the atrocities. The commission recommended reparations for families of victims, and this is slowly being implemented by the new Guatemalan government. But the US government has so far ignored or refused to act upon this recommendation, although President Bill Clinton in 1999 did admit that the USA had wronged Guatemala. Today, still, the indigenous life expectancy is 45, whereas nonnatives (ethnic Europeans) can expect to live for an average of 61 years. The infant mortality rate of indigenous people is still twice that of non-natives. The UN says Guatemala still has one of the most skewed land ownership percentages in the world; an estimated 65 per cent of 44 Iliffe 1995: 54f, 101ff, 191ff; N.N.: Political History: Zimbabwe, 1998; Martin & Johnson: The Struggle for Zimbabwe, 1981; Reader: Africa: A Biography of the Continent, 1998 (1997): 468ff; Esipisu: S.Africa Urges UK to Help Zimbabwe White Farmers, 2002. On the land restitution issues in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and elsewhere in southern Africa, see also Chapter II.4.2, below.
all agricultural land in Guatemala is owned by just two per cent of the population. 45 Aside from the short-lived exception of the fledgling Sandinista government in neighboring Nicaragua during the 1980s, the Guatemalan apartheid elites were surrounded by regimes friendly to theirs. Right-wing, pro-US, and mostly fascist and racist regimes have since long formed a transnational system of oppression of the indigenous peoples and of others in Central America, many or most aspects of which reach beyond that immediate region into North and South America, and the world. In the neighboring Caribbean region, on the other hand, the indigenous were first exploited and decimated, subsequently wiped out of existence, and then a forcibly imported ethnic majority was oppressed and exploited. The Guatemalan geo-political situation is thus principally different from the South African, the Israeli and the Graeco-Roman apartheid societies, which are characterized by geopolitical isolation within their regions, by hostile neighboring countries (if independent), and by matching elite attitudes and collective behavior in the apartheid country that sometimes or often amounts to political, military and social paranoia. Furthermore, like Rhodesia, Guatemala was never a military, political or economic power on the global or even regional scale ever since the time that the land was first stolen by the Europeans. Despite these important differences, Guatemala seems to me to have more in common with apartheid South Africa (and with Graeco-Roman Egypt and modern Israel) than any of the other societies considered in this chapter do, except perhaps for the now following society: Outremer. In the formal sense of my definition of apartheid (see below) Guatemala is even more of an apartheid society than Rhodesia is, mainly because of its larger oppressive ethnic minority, around 40 per cent of the entire population, and its much longer period of formal political independence. 46 45 Maher (senior editor): The Europa World Year Book, 2001: 1804ff (Article ‘Guatemala’); Haviland: Cultural Anthropology, 5 1987: 401-404; Ellwood: The No-Nonsense Guide to Globalization, 2001: 15; Daniel: Fifty Years On, Coup Memories Fade in Guatemala, 2004; Brosnan: Guatemala Court Annuls Rights Convictions, 2002; N.N.: US-Guatemala: Clinton Admits US Military Aid Was Wrong, March 11, 1999. Since Clinton never offered an apology, Guatemala has no way of demanding compensation from its mighty northern neighbor. In a country like Colombia, on the other hand, the Native Americans have now been reduced to 2.5 per cent of the population. It is therefore much better described as ‘genocidal’ than as ‘apartheid’. See Abultaif: Colombian Tribes Hold Rally against ‘Genocide’, 2001. Colombia, however, has been compared to apartheid Israel, mainly in terms of the two countries’ governments fighting wars for the USA, displacing millions of indigenous people, murdering hundreds of thousands more, legitimizing state terrorism in terms of a fight against terrorism, and refusing to solve or even recognize the basic problems behind the violence. See Mondragon: The South American Israel, 2003. Brazil, similar to Colombia, is probably about to see the extinction of its native population soon, as it is already down to less than one per cent of the total population. See Fenton 1999: 41. In Peru, the indigenous are also severely marginalized, although they still amount to 33 per cent of the population. See Mellado: Peru Party Seeks to Reclaim Power for Native People, 2002. On Guatemala, see also North American Congress on Latin America (NACLA) editors: An Interview with Rigoberta Menchu, 1996, where the Guatemalan Nobel Peace Prize laureate refers to ‘apartheid in Guatemala’ in previous years. Not until December 2001 was there a first compensation to victims when an equivalent of $1.8 million was paid to families of 226 men, women and children massacred by soldiers and paramilitaries in the village of Las Dos Erres in 1982. Brosnan: Guatemala Compensates Wartime Massacre Survivors, 2001. See also: Brosnan: Guatemalan Human Rights Worker Shot Dead, 2002. On femicide in Guatemala, see footnote 296, below. 46 Furthermore, due to the high percentage of Europeans and the manner in which they established themselves, Guatemala is closer to a genocidal society than Rhodesia – an essentially colonialist atrocity with an apartheid veneer towards the end of its existence – ever was. Also similar to Guatemala is Bolivia, the poorest country in South America and one of the poorest in the Western Hemisphere. There, too, a minority of Whites has dominated a sixty per cent indigenous majority. For 500 years, the indigenous have been denied jobs and education. Until the 1950s, most of them were virtual slaves in mines or on plantations. Until recently, they were poorly represented politically, and indigenous lawmakers, slowly growing in numbers, were still unable to address Congress in their native languages. In 2002, Evo Morales became the first indigenous person to contest run-off presidential elections. He lost the election, but gained 21 per cent of the vote, which was widely seen as an encouraging sign by the oppressed majority indigenous groups. See Jones: Bolivia’s Indians Win Long- Awaited Political Voice, 2002. In 2005, Morales won the presidential elections with an absolute majority after three years of worsening neo-liberal concentration of wealth and power. He is the first indigenous person to win 45
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44<br />
brokered peace agreement. Between 2000 and 2002, in events marred by controversy and by<br />
violence (yet very little of it compared to violence accompanying the initial white land grab),<br />
the Zimbabwean government took back 11 million hectares of land from white farmers,<br />
without any compensation paid. The land restitution issues that now (superficially) seem to<br />
divide white and black Zimbabweans more than ever are issues that are also widely expected<br />
to rise to prominence in South African domestic politics soon. 44<br />
Independent Rhodesia was an apartheid society. But it was short-lived, and during its<br />
15-year life span it never achieved the degree of forced separation between ethnic groups and<br />
entrenched discrimination of the indigenous majority that South Africa did. Furthermore,<br />
Rhodesia had a very small invading ethnic group, never even attaining four per cent of the<br />
total population. In this sense, it remained more of a colony in its style of oppression, even<br />
after ‘independence’, which was basically a buffer zone role for South Africa’s apartheid<br />
elites, and thus less independent than most other apartheid societies. Finally, the Rhodesian<br />
state never became a world political, economic or military power, as did all three of the main<br />
examples of apartheid in this investigation.<br />
Spanish Mayhem in Guatemala<br />
The Mayan civilization, older than Spain’s, can still be found in southern Mexico,<br />
Belize and Guatemala, where the Mayans are still the majority. Guatemala was created from<br />
the invasion and conquest by Spanish adventurers 500 years ago, and has been suffering<br />
severely from theirs and their descendants’ presence ever since. Not many immigrants have<br />
added to the foreign presence of the privileged minority of Spaniards, whose independence<br />
from Spain and then from Mexico led to a society that has also been compared to apartheid in<br />
South Africa. In the 1940s, some democratic reforms for the benefit of the indigenous were<br />
introduced, but they were withdrawn after a coup by Guatemalan military officers with US<br />
assistance in 1954. A bloody civil conflict ensued and did not end until the late 1990s. An<br />
estimated 200,000 people were killed in Guatemala between 1960 and 1996, and the killing<br />
still goes on, in particular political assassinations of human rights workers attempting to<br />
clarify facts about atrocities committed before 1996. Human rights groups seeking to bring<br />
military officials to justice are still being targeted by a slew of death threats and lethal attacks,<br />
which many attribute to elements within the army. Young indigenous women are also being<br />
raped and murdered, apparently by members of the country’s armed forces, in what may be<br />
attributable to an apartheid legacy (see Section II.1, below.)<br />
In numerous ways similar to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South<br />
Africa, the Guatemalan Commission for Historical Clarification noted in its 1999 final report<br />
that 93 per cent of human rights violations during that conflict had been perpetrated by the<br />
ethnic European-dominated armed forces and state paramilitaries, i.e. by the oppressive ethnic<br />
minority. The report also stated that the counter-insurgency of 1981-1983 amounted to<br />
‘genocide’ of the indigenous Mayans and that the USA had financed, trained, equipped and<br />
encouraged some of the Guatemalan forces responsible for the atrocities. The commission<br />
recommended reparations for families of victims, and this is slowly being implemented by the<br />
new Guatemalan government. But the US government has so far ignored or refused to act<br />
upon this recommendation, although President Bill Clinton in 1999 did admit that the USA<br />
had wronged Guatemala. Today, still, the indigenous life expectancy is 45, whereas nonnatives<br />
(ethnic Europeans) can expect to live for an average of 61 years. The infant mortality<br />
rate of indigenous people is still twice that of non-natives. The UN says Guatemala still has<br />
one of the most skewed land ownership percentages in the world; an estimated 65 per cent of<br />
44 Iliffe 1995: 54f, 101ff, 191ff; N.N.: Political History: Zimbabwe, 1998; Martin & Johnson: The Struggle for<br />
Zimbabwe, 1981; Reader: Africa: A Biography of the Continent, 1998 (1997): 468ff; Esipisu: S.Africa Urges<br />
UK to Help Zimbabwe White Farmers, 2002. On the land restitution issues in Zimbabwe, South Africa, and<br />
elsewhere in southern Africa, see also Chapter II.4.2, below.