Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
312 the political and social privileges of unaccountability and impunity for apartheid crimes. Still, that does not mean that liberation cannot be accomplished. We are heading into a new era, in which nation-states, i.e. limited, two-dimensional surfaces, over which national governments, legislative assemblies and judiciaries exercise sovereign power, seem to be playing an everdiminishing role. Both international integration on regional as well as global bases and the globalization of democracy and other human rights – as opposed to the already accomplished economic or corporate globalization – seem to be additional ways out of the crisis, for Israel/Palestine as well as for the whole region. One example of the peace-making potential of regional international integration is the way in which the establishment of European integration led to a breakthrough in the peace process in Northern Ireland. Prior to that, the fate of the British-held territory, which has also manifested several symptoms of apartheid (see Chapter I.4, above), was expected to be determined within the triangle London-Dublin-Belfast. Now there are also the newly relevant power centers of Brussels, Vienna and Strasbourg, to which both the Irish and the British are subject as member states of the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE), the European Court of Human Rights, and the Council of Europe. With the USA superseding Britain as the main military, political and economic power on the global stage in 1914, the same kind of extended constellation of power had led to the establishment of the Republic of Ireland in 1921, not least due to a strong immigrant Irish lobby in America. Similarly, a solution to the conflict between the Basque people and the Spanish state could perhaps only have been possible now that Spain is member of those same four intergovernmental organizations. (The role of the UN as a guardian and promoter of human rights and cultural diversity also comes to mind as a facilitator, both in Ireland and Spain.) A Middle Eastern Union, an Eastern Mediterranean Union, or just a Mediterranean Union – headquartered in, say, Alexandria, Nicosia, or Tunis – could thus transform ‘eitheror’ situations at the heart of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict into ‘both-and’ or ‘neither-nor’ situations. 767 An instance of global integration, even more able to soon yield positive results, is the formation of the International Criminal Court, for which the Belgian war crimes probe against the Israeli prime minister, Ariel Sharon, could perhaps be seen as a failed dress rehearsal. In the long run, however, the globalization of democracy and justice is unequivocally working against apartheid and other kinds of ethnicism (which, as we have seen, is one of the main reasons that the USA and Israel are so vigorously attempting to counteract and even sabotage the formation, establishment and work of the global criminal court), but it is also working against other, even more powerful, hegemonic interests, in particular corporate ones. And the latter will no doubt present even tougher problems than the comparatively simple gross human rights violations caused by apartheid. Lastly, it is mostly up to both those who profit from and those who are directly victimized by apartheid to get rid of it. Although a crime against humanity victimizes us all, we owe it to the most directly affected victims, past and present, to let them have the last say and to decisively form the process of liberation from apartheid. And in that last say, they should be given space. My last suggestion here is that they should be able to relate in a 767 On Ireland, see also footnotes 52 and 152, above. On the Basque-Spanish conflict, see Wilkinson: Basque Separatist Group Ends Four-Decade War with Spain, 2006. An overlap between the MEU, the EMU, and/or the MU with the EU would in my opinion be preferable, whether it be defined by Turkey’s western or eastern borders. The reason is that the development of watertight frontiers between the EU and its neighbors, in my view, is likely to cause a scenario similar to the global power-constellation described in George Orwell’s novel, ‘1984’, i.e. a world which consists of only a handful of countries. Under such circumstances, there is, in my opinion, an even greater risk of totalitarianism, systematic human rights violations, and perpetual warfare developing than in the present state of the world or in a single world state. See Löwstedt 1995, Einleitung, and Löwstedt: Weltstaat gegen Weltmarkt, 2000.
313 meaningful way to their pre-victim indigenous ancestors within the space of their last say. Justice may seem elusive, but history is certainly not only and not always written by the victors. The condemnation and sentencing for crimes against humanity is exactly what apartheid warrants, and not only because international law – the UN, the ICC, the Geneva Conventions, etc. – say so. It is mainly because of heroic resistance against overwhelming odds, but also through objective research, the wisdom of experience, conscientious ethical judgement and informed critical assessment, that apartheid has become known, repudiated, and judicially categorized as a crime against humanity. The penultimate idea here belongs to the great Old Kingdom philosopher, Ptahhotep, who wrote the following stanza around forty-three and a half centuries ago, two thousand years before the invading Greeks would arrive to set up their version of apartheid in his home country. Yet, across the millennia, an inalienable sense of justice, backed by the determination and the courage required to defend and to implement it, appears to be able to both overcome and defeat evil, and eventually to assign historic apartheid figures and societies to either the halls of shame (as a short-term remedy) or oblivion (as a truly long term remedy) where they belong. Great is justice, lasting in effect... Baseness may seize riches. Yet crime never lands its wares In the end it is justice that lasts... 768 Mandela voiced a philosophically related claim, a negation of the negation of Ptahhotep’s assertion, as he defended himself in an apartheid court against charges by an apartheid state. It is perhaps somewhat less optimistic than Ptahhotep’s strong statement, but in the most desperate of circumstances, it provides a reason for hope: Men are not capable Of doing nothing, Of saying nothing, Of not reacting Against injustice… 769 Ptahhotep’s conception of justice – along with its profound implication that justice will not naturally generate its own negation, as injustice appears to do – is strangely echoed by Souad Srour al-Mere’eh, most of whose family were shot dead in Shatila, Lebanon in 1982 768 The Instruction of Ptahhotep, in Lichtheim 1973: 63ff. See Brunner 1997: 111ff, for an updated and much improved interpretation and translation of Ptahhotep’s book. On Ma`at, the ancient Egyptian concept of justice and truth, see Assmann 1995 (1990) and Karenga 1995. On the two ancient Egyptian concepts of constancy, Djet and Neheh, or ‘permanent sameness’ and ‘permanent change’, see Thausing: Sein und Werden. Versuch einer Ganzheitsschau der Religion des Pharaonenreiches, 1971; Assmann: Zeit und Ewigkeit im alten Ägypten, 1975; Allen: Genesis in Egypt: The Philosophy of Ancient Egyptian Creation Accounts, 1988; Löwstedt 1995: 143- 157. 769 Mandela 2002 (1965): 136. The quote is from Mandela’s brilliant defense in the 1962 trial which nevertheless found him guilty of inciting black Africans to strike (which they were not allowed to do under any circumstances) and of leaving South Africa without valid papers (which were hardly ever granted to Blacks). Mandela was sentenced to five years in prison and had to spend 23 hours a day in solitary confinement, sewing mailbags. His sentence was cut short a year later when he was charged with new-found evidence against him and faced a death sentence for terrorism, a sentence he narrowly escaped in favor of a life prison sentence. In the introduction to this collection of articles and speeches by Mandela, Ato Quayson writes of Mandela’s mindset: ‘…injustice naturally generates its own negation, sowing in its devastating path the desire for freedom and the unquenchable urge to strive for it. Beyond his obvious stature as one of the great icons of the twentieth century, it is this idea that gives Mandela a significance beyond his country and his time…’ Ibid: xv. Incidentally, Quayson also mentions Palestine first among countries suffering from evils similar to apartheid in South Africa. See footnote 27, above.
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313<br />
meaningful way to their pre-victim indigenous ancestors within the space of their last say.<br />
Justice may seem elusive, but history is certainly not only and not always written by the<br />
victors. The condemnation and sentencing for crimes against humanity is exactly what<br />
apartheid warrants, and not only because international law – the UN, the ICC, the Geneva<br />
Conventions, etc. – say so. It is mainly because of heroic resistance against overwhelming<br />
odds, but also through objective research, the wisdom of experience, conscientious ethical<br />
judgement and informed critical assessment, that apartheid has become known, repudiated,<br />
and judicially categorized as a crime against humanity.<br />
The penultimate idea here belongs to the great Old Kingdom philosopher, Ptahhotep,<br />
who wrote the following stanza around forty-three and a half centuries ago, two thousand<br />
years before the invading Greeks would arrive to set up their version of apartheid in his home<br />
country. Yet, across the millennia, an inalienable sense of justice, backed by the determination<br />
and the courage required to defend and to implement it, appears to be able to both overcome<br />
and defeat evil, and eventually to assign historic apartheid figures and societies to either the<br />
halls of shame (as a short-term remedy) or oblivion (as a truly long term remedy) where they<br />
belong.<br />
Great is justice, lasting in effect...<br />
Baseness may seize riches.<br />
Yet crime never lands its wares<br />
In the end it is justice that lasts... 768<br />
Mandela voiced a philosophically related claim, a negation of the negation of<br />
Ptahhotep’s assertion, as he defended himself in an apartheid court against charges by an<br />
apartheid state. It is perhaps somewhat less optimistic than Ptahhotep’s strong statement, but<br />
in the most desperate of circumstances, it provides a reason for hope:<br />
Men are not capable<br />
Of doing nothing,<br />
Of saying nothing,<br />
Of not reacting<br />
Against injustice… 769<br />
Ptahhotep’s conception of justice – along with its profound implication that justice<br />
will not naturally generate its own negation, as injustice appears to do – is strangely echoed by<br />
Souad Srour al-Mere’eh, most of whose family were shot dead in Shatila, Lebanon in 1982<br />
768 The Instruction of Ptahhotep, in Lichtheim 1973: 63ff. See Brunner 1997: 111ff, for an updated and much<br />
improved interpretation and translation of Ptahhotep’s book. On Ma`at, the ancient Egyptian concept of justice<br />
and truth, see Assmann 1995 (1990) and Karenga 1995. On the two ancient Egyptian concepts of constancy, Djet<br />
and Neheh, or ‘permanent sameness’ and ‘permanent change’, see Thausing: Sein und Werden. Versuch einer<br />
Ganzheitsschau der Religion des Pharaonenreiches, 1971; Assmann: Zeit und Ewigkeit im alten Ägypten, 1975;<br />
Allen: Genesis in Egypt: The Philosophy of Ancient Egyptian Creation Accounts, 1988; Löwstedt 1995: 143-<br />
157.<br />
769 Mandela 2002 (1965): 136. The quote is from Mandela’s brilliant defense in the 1962 trial which nevertheless<br />
found him guilty of inciting black Africans to strike (which they were not allowed to do under any<br />
circumstances) and of leaving South Africa without valid papers (which were hardly ever granted to Blacks).<br />
Mandela was sentenced to five years in prison and had to spend 23 hours a day in solitary confinement, sewing<br />
mailbags. His sentence was cut short a year later when he was charged with new-found evidence against him and<br />
faced a death sentence for terrorism, a sentence he narrowly escaped in favor of a life prison sentence. In the<br />
introduction to this collection of articles and speeches by Mandela, Ato Quayson writes of Mandela’s mindset:<br />
‘…injustice naturally generates its own negation, sowing in its devastating path the desire for freedom and the<br />
unquenchable urge to strive for it. Beyond his obvious stature as one of the great icons of the twentieth century,<br />
it is this idea that gives Mandela a significance beyond his country and his time…’ Ibid: xv. Incidentally,<br />
Quayson also mentions Palestine first among countries suffering from evils similar to apartheid in South Africa.<br />
See footnote 27, above.