Apartheid

Apartheid Apartheid

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296 country [the US], to say wrong is wrong because the Jewish lobby is powerful - very powerful. Well, so what? For goodness sake, this is God’s world! We live in a moral universe. The apartheid government was very powerful, but today it no longer exists. Hitler, Mussolini, Stalin, Pinochet, Milosevic, and Idi Amin were all powerful, but in the end they bit the dust. Injustice and oppression will never prevail. 738 These condemnations by the international community, by representatives of the overwhelming, but in world politics comparatively underrepresented, majority of the world’s population, do show the isolation of the state of Israel, and that only its reliance on military might and the powerful ally are artificially keeping its system of gross human rights abuses alive. Still, those condemnations (except Tutu’s) are perhaps too focused on the Israeli state, which has relegated many apartheid functions to parastatal agencies, especially the religious authorities. It thus becomes easier for Israeli Jewish civilians, as well as for foreign beneficiaries, to avoid being charged with or even facing the reality of their own systematic oppression of the indigenous. That also goes for South African Whites, in the past and the present, though not to the same extent as in Israel. The strong statements issued by the international community – minus the USA and its bullied dependants – have also supported the growing resistance towards Israeli apartheid within Israel. Hundreds of conscientious objectors are now refusing to serve in Israel’s conscription troops and legalized death squads. They prefer being jailed for refusing to do so. The Israeli army, on the other hand, will not admit nor release numbers on the growing number of conscientious objectors and draft dodgers. Some of the former contested the legality of their imprisonment in Israel’s Supreme Court with reference to international law. Their case was not only that they should have a right to object to and refuse to do what their personal conscience abhors. They were taking the issue one step further. By arguing that Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories on the West Bank and Gaza is illegal, they also argued that they have a duty not to take part in an illegal enterprise. By June 2003, their number was estimated at over 1,100. 739 738 Tutu: Apartheid in the Holy Land, 2002. In a mainstream opinion article, ‘Build Moral Pressure to End the Occupation: An International Campaign’, 2002, Tutu went further and bravely urged economic divestment against Israel in the USA and elsewhere, as this had proved successful against apartheid South Africa, claiming again that apartheid conditions were present on Israeli-held territory. In a reaction, the Los Angeles-based Simon Wiesenthal Center, a major US Jewish lobby group, called Tutu’s comparison ‘both disingenuous and a distortion of the truth’. N.N: US Jewish Group Hits S.Africa’s Tutu on Divestment, June 20, 2002 739 Soueif 2003: 185; Camiel: Israeli Soldiers Say ‘Hell No, We Won’t Go’, 2001; N.N: Israeli Teens Refuse to Serve in Army of ‘Terror’, September 5, 2001. Peretz Kidron, a member of the 20-year-old Israeli grassroots group, Yesh Gvul, which opposes Israeli military occupation of Palestinian areas, said in January 2002 that more than 400 Israeli soldiers had thus far refused to serve in the occupied territories since October 2000. A group of 52 combat reservists, some of whom were officers who had served in the Israeli army for over 10 years, published a statement in January 2002 saying ‘We will not continue to fight beyond the Green Line [the pre- 1967 borders] in order to rule, to expel, to destroy, to blockade, to assassinate, to starve, and to humiliate an entire people’. The soldiers said that they would follow orders for ‘any assignment that serves the defense of the state of Israel’ but that ‘the assignment of occupation and oppression does not serve this cause, and we will have no part in it.’ Lazarof: Reservists Refuse to Serve in “War for Peace of Settlements”, 2002. On February 2, the group had mushroomed, with over a hundred signatories, also mentioning ranks and units, to a repeat of the original statement published in the mass-circulation daily Yediot Aharonot. Now, Prime Minister Sharon and Shaul Mofaz, the army’s chief of staff, started responding to questions, threatening their critics in the army with court martials for sedition. The army also began to relieve dissenting officers of their commands. Curtius: Israeli Reservists Refuse West Bank, Gaza Duty, 2002. By October, there were 491 signatories, several of whom were already serving prison sentences for refusing to carry out the Israeli regimes’ dirtiest work. The Israeli army has since admitted that only a third of its reservists turned up for duty during 2001, although most of the missing two thirds of the soldiers found medical or other excuses for failing to appear. See Steele: ‘I Couldn’t Believe I Was Doing This’, 2002; Bronner: An Open Letter to the General, 2002.

297 There is an enormous potential in this situation to form a kind of ‘Canaanite National Congress (CNC)’ modeled after South Africa’s ANC, a non-exclusive coalition of Palestinians and Israelis, i.e. Arabs, Jews and others, to scrap the binational idea and build a new, secular, democratic and non-discriminatory unitary state and society instead of Israel and the Occupied Territories and instead of Israel and Palestine. This idea has been promoted recently by people as different as the Libyan dictator, Muammar Gaddafi, and the director of the London-based Middle East Institute, Robert Springborg. 740 In any case, it would be exactly what the resistance movement to South African apartheid insisted upon and finally achieved after the Bantustans had been created there. The parallel is in fact so perfect, that it becomes difficult to believe that liberation will not happen soon. Just as young Israelis are deserting from their oppressive and murderous army, others could be interested in deserting from other institutions upholding Israeli apartheid oppression. In a self-critical moment, however, Edward Said reflects: We have never addressed the Israeli public – particularly those citizens disturbed by current developments, which in effect condemn Israel to unending strife – nor, unfortunately, do we now have anything to say, for example, to the hundreds of reservists who have refused military service during the Intifada. There is a constituency inside Israel which we must find a way to engage, exactly as the ANC made it a point of policy to engage whites in the struggle against apartheid. 741 The ANC was open to Whites from the beginning, and it actively sought out Whites and other non-Blacks to join. Said also remarked with regard to the failure of the Oslo ‘Peace Process’ and the renewed outbreak of widespread violence: ‘A new sense may actually be dawning that only a mass movement against Israeli apartheid (similar to the South African variety) will work.’ 742 It is not yet so similar, but that should not be a discouraging sign. Palestinians all speak Arabic, whereas the South African black opposition alone spoke a dozen languages. For them, English and Afrikaans were just two more languages. Palestinians are already utilizing English and other languages, Hebrew among them. It is in the last resort irrelevant if the PLO or a coalition of existing organizations, domestic or foreign, or a new organization such as the proposed CNC, or perhaps another form of coalition brings about the demise of Israeli apartheid. In my opinion, outsiders can help through encouraging desertion in the ranks of the Israeli army, as well as divestment and comprehensive or even partial boycotts. To support Palestinian terrorist activities or a guerilla war, however, at this stage, is in my opinion much more likely to end up being counterproductive. 740 Ashby: Gaddafi Sees New Mideast “Road Map”, Unified State, 2003. My proposed Canaanite National Congress should not be confused with the Israeli Jewish literary movement around Yonatan Ratosh, the ‘Cana’anite Movement’, which was anti-Zionist, proposing a radical break with Jewish traditions, yet also wanting to replace it with a re-invented ‘Hebrew nation and Hebrew identity’, with a program to ‘assimilate’ Palestinians. See Ramras-Rauch: The Arab in Israeli Literature, 1989: 117f. On another strategy of modeling the organization of Palestinian resistance on the previously successful South African ANC, see Kassis: Fatah Chapter Closed: Creating a Palestinian National Congress, 2006. 741 Said: Palestine: Present and Clear Reality, 2001. On February 18, 2002, a group of fourteen Palestinian civil society organizations finally signed a proclamation in solidarity with Israeli soldiers refusing to serve in the occupied territories. See LAW Society: Statement of Solidarity with Conscientious Objectors, 2002. By this time 251 Israeli soldiers had signed the Yesh Gvul statement (see footnote 739). Jews have also joined hands with Palestinians in several peace initiatives and in acting as ‘human shields’ against Israeli threats to kill or expel Palestinian president Yasser Arafat. See Ass’adi: Thirty Foreigners, Israelis Vow to Protect Arafat, 2003. 742 Said: Double Standards, 2000. Said is hinting here at the end of the two-state solution and the adoption of a single, unitary state for Jews and for Palestinians. Cf. Shavit: Interview with Edward Said, 2000, for further elaborations on this theme.

296<br />

country [the US], to say wrong is wrong because the Jewish lobby is<br />

powerful - very powerful. Well, so what? For goodness sake, this is<br />

God’s world! We live in a moral universe. The apartheid government<br />

was very powerful, but today it no longer exists. Hitler, Mussolini,<br />

Stalin, Pinochet, Milosevic, and Idi Amin were all powerful, but in<br />

the end they bit the dust. Injustice and oppression will never<br />

prevail. 738<br />

These condemnations by the international community, by representatives of the<br />

overwhelming, but in world politics comparatively underrepresented, majority of the world’s<br />

population, do show the isolation of the state of Israel, and that only its reliance on military<br />

might and the powerful ally are artificially keeping its system of gross human rights abuses<br />

alive. Still, those condemnations (except Tutu’s) are perhaps too focused on the Israeli state,<br />

which has relegated many apartheid functions to parastatal agencies, especially the religious<br />

authorities. It thus becomes easier for Israeli Jewish civilians, as well as for foreign<br />

beneficiaries, to avoid being charged with or even facing the reality of their own systematic<br />

oppression of the indigenous. That also goes for South African Whites, in the past and the<br />

present, though not to the same extent as in Israel.<br />

The strong statements issued by the international community – minus the USA and its<br />

bullied dependants – have also supported the growing resistance towards Israeli apartheid<br />

within Israel. Hundreds of conscientious objectors are now refusing to serve in Israel’s<br />

conscription troops and legalized death squads. They prefer being jailed for refusing to do so.<br />

The Israeli army, on the other hand, will not admit nor release numbers on the growing<br />

number of conscientious objectors and draft dodgers. Some of the former contested the<br />

legality of their imprisonment in Israel’s Supreme Court with reference to international law.<br />

Their case was not only that they should have a right to object to and refuse to do what their<br />

personal conscience abhors. They were taking the issue one step further. By arguing that<br />

Israel’s occupation of Palestinian territories on the West Bank and Gaza is illegal, they also<br />

argued that they have a duty not to take part in an illegal enterprise. By June 2003, their<br />

number was estimated at over 1,100. 739<br />

738 Tutu: <strong>Apartheid</strong> in the Holy Land, 2002. In a mainstream opinion article, ‘Build Moral Pressure to End the<br />

Occupation: An International Campaign’, 2002, Tutu went further and bravely urged economic divestment<br />

against Israel in the USA and elsewhere, as this had proved successful against apartheid South Africa, claiming<br />

again that apartheid conditions were present on Israeli-held territory. In a reaction, the Los Angeles-based Simon<br />

Wiesenthal Center, a major US Jewish lobby group, called Tutu’s comparison ‘both disingenuous and a<br />

distortion of the truth’. N.N: US Jewish Group Hits S.Africa’s Tutu on Divestment, June 20, 2002<br />

739 Soueif 2003: 185; Camiel: Israeli Soldiers Say ‘Hell No, We Won’t Go’, 2001; N.N: Israeli Teens Refuse to<br />

Serve in Army of ‘Terror’, September 5, 2001. Peretz Kidron, a member of the 20-year-old Israeli grassroots<br />

group, Yesh Gvul, which opposes Israeli military occupation of Palestinian areas, said in January 2002 that more<br />

than 400 Israeli soldiers had thus far refused to serve in the occupied territories since October 2000. A group of<br />

52 combat reservists, some of whom were officers who had served in the Israeli army for over 10 years,<br />

published a statement in January 2002 saying ‘We will not continue to fight beyond the Green Line [the pre-<br />

1967 borders] in order to rule, to expel, to destroy, to blockade, to assassinate, to starve, and to humiliate an<br />

entire people’. The soldiers said that they would follow orders for ‘any assignment that serves the defense of the<br />

state of Israel’ but that ‘the assignment of occupation and oppression does not serve this cause, and we will have<br />

no part in it.’ Lazarof: Reservists Refuse to Serve in “War for Peace of Settlements”, 2002. On February 2, the<br />

group had mushroomed, with over a hundred signatories, also mentioning ranks and units, to a repeat of the<br />

original statement published in the mass-circulation daily Yediot Aharonot. Now, Prime Minister Sharon and<br />

Shaul Mofaz, the army’s chief of staff, started responding to questions, threatening their critics in the army with<br />

court martials for sedition. The army also began to relieve dissenting officers of their commands. Curtius: Israeli<br />

Reservists Refuse West Bank, Gaza Duty, 2002. By October, there were 491 signatories, several of whom were<br />

already serving prison sentences for refusing to carry out the Israeli regimes’ dirtiest work. The Israeli army has<br />

since admitted that only a third of its reservists turned up for duty during 2001, although most of the missing two<br />

thirds of the soldiers found medical or other excuses for failing to appear. See Steele: ‘I Couldn’t Believe I Was<br />

Doing This’, 2002; Bronner: An Open Letter to the General, 2002.

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