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292<br />

experienced in its final years. 725 Furthermore, the Jews no longer have an Arab majority<br />

within Israel to exploit. It is likely that there are now more unemployed and poor Jews in<br />

Israel than there were poor Whites in apartheid South Africa or poor Europeans in Graeco-<br />

Roman Egypt, simply because of these demographic facts. 726 The reserve laborer army of<br />

third country nationals is being mobilized by Israel, though rather late in comparison with<br />

South Africa. Ideological considerations, i.e. especially the need to fall within the US category<br />

of ‘democratic states’, as well as its ‘success’ with ethnic cleansing seem to have necessitated<br />

a relatively large Jewish underclass for Israel. Nonetheless, the great number of illegal and<br />

legal Palestinian migrant workers from the Occupied Territories, and the migrant workers of<br />

other nationalities within Israel, not to mention the historically unparalleled aid that Israel<br />

receives from the USA, have on the whole kept profit margins very comfortable indeed for<br />

Israeli businesses.<br />

South Africa is in a way the human success story among my three apartheid examples.<br />

The oppressed majority was able to rise up and cast off the yoke, to a large extent of its own<br />

accord, only in South Africa. 727 Yet the legacy of apartheid in South Africa remains, and it<br />

725 Although very little and very late, the EU decision in 2004 to slap punitive taxes on Israeli-made products<br />

imported to EU member states from the Israeli-occupied territories could signal the beginning of such a trend.<br />

Goods worth around $200 million are exported from the illegal Jewish settlements every year, but they enjoyed<br />

preferential tariff terms since they are labeled ‘Made in Israel’. In this way the EU has lost nearly $10 million in<br />

income each year, and, more importantly, Israeli occupation and repopulation of the Palestinian territories gain<br />

indirect respectability. See N.N: EU to Warn Importers over Israel Settlement Exports, November 22, 2001;<br />

N.N.: EU Gives Israel Last Chance on Settlement Exports, October 18, 2002; Chalmers: EU Raises Pressure on<br />

Israel in Sensitive Trade Row, 2002; N.N.: Israel Gives Ground to EU in Sensitive Trade Row, November 24,<br />

2003. On August 5, 2004, a compromise was reached whereby Israel is allowed to call its illegal settlements<br />

‘Israel’ whereas the EU will charge tariffs on all settlement exports provided Israelis declare them honestly.<br />

N.N.: EU, Israel Settle Trade Dispute over Settlements, August 5, 2004. One might conclude that money is more<br />

important than human rights to the EU. There is also an initiative by the Belgian aid group, Oxfam<br />

Wereldwinkels, along with the country’s Green Party, to boycott agricultural products from all of Israel, at least<br />

until a Palestinian state has been founded. The initiative also involves seeking preferential treatment for<br />

Palestinian products. See Crols: Belgian Groups Seek Boycott of Israeli Produce, 2002. In April 2002, moreover,<br />

after repeated refusals by Israel to withdraw its military forces from occupied territories previously under the<br />

Palestinian Authority, the European Parliament called on the EU to suspend the six-year-old Association Treaty<br />

under which Israel enjoyed preferential trade terms with the then 15-nation bloc. No action was seriously<br />

considered, but it was at least potentially harmful to business confidence in Israel, whose main trading partner is<br />

the EU. See Chalmers: EU’s Empty Sanction Threat Could Still Hurt Israel, 2002. The Palestinians themselves,<br />

like the South Africans resisting apartheid, have consistently called for and practiced boycotts. See N.N.: Facts<br />

on Boycotting Israeli Goods, June 25, 2002. In August 2004, finally, the 115-member Non-Aligned Movement,<br />

consisting of developing countries, announced it would ban Israeli settlers from visiting their countries and<br />

boycott firms involved in building the illegal <strong>Apartheid</strong> Wall. Israeli commentators as well as outsiders drew<br />

parallels with the international sanctions against South Africa towards the end of apartheid in that country. See<br />

Heller, C.: Non-Aligned Boycott Stirs Sanctions Fears in Israel, 2004.<br />

726 Chomsky: Prospects for Peace in the Middle East, 2001<br />

727 According to Chomsky, South Africa would not have been liberated from apartheid without the reversal of<br />

US policy towards it in the 1980s, and he believes that the same kind of reversal might have to occur for the<br />

liberation of Palestinians from Israeli apartheid to become reality. See Chomsky March 4, 2001; Chomsky:<br />

Neocolonial Invitation to a Tribal War, 2001. US approval may indeed be necessary at the beginning of the 21 st<br />

century, yet it may still not be sufficient to prop up a violent and oppressive minority rule regime. Only a quarter<br />

of a century ago, the Vietnamese people proved this, although the costs were horrific: an estimated three million<br />

Vietnamese lives, along with another two million killed due to US interventions in the neighboring countries,<br />

Cambodia and Laos, and over 60,000 American lives. US citizens nowadays, however, on an average believe<br />

that only 100,000 Vietnamese were killed in the war, a stark reminder of the effectiveness of US propaganda.<br />

See Chomsky 2002 (1991): 36f. The losses also included countless permanent disabilities, and widespread<br />

environmental devastation, which is still taking its toll, for instance in the form of children stillborn or born with<br />

gross deformities, unnaturally high rates of leukaemia and other kinds of cancer due to residues of chemical<br />

weapons, such as napalm and Agent Orange. These most cowardly weapons were employed by the US army<br />

during the war and are in some cases still active today. Moreover, explosions of ordnance from the Vietnam War,<br />

the vast majority of it distributed by the US troops – some of it also forbidden under international law – still kill<br />

and maim dozens of civilians each year. See Herman & Chomsky 1994 (1988): Chapters 5 and 6; Mikkelsen:

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