Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
28 remote location, moreover, the appointed Dutch elite in the Cape Colony was running its own affairs. The culture and language of the white settlers in South Africa differed increasingly from those of the mother country, and they started calling themselves ‘Afrikaners’ and their language ‘Afrikaans’ rather than Dutch. In this sense, white-ruled South Africa (initially only the Cape peninsula) was a colony from 1652 when Whites first settled. It then gradually developed apartheid features but became more of a colony again from 1806 as it became British. The 19 th century Boer republics, Transvaal, the Orange Free State, and Natalia, and the independent South Africa from 1910 to 1994 were clear-cut apartheid societies in my wide sense. The Dutch and British colonies, on the other hand, were hybrid phenomena, somewhere in between colonies and apartheid societies. More accurately, they could be described as essentially apartheid societies with colonial veneers. They had a colonialist surface structure, but an apartheid deep structure. 18 The same applies to Egypt under Roman rule, where Greeks were also a majority among Europeans, remaining privileged in ways comparable to the Afrikaners under the British. The differences between an apartheid society and a colony manifest themselves further in the apartheid society being generally more violent – much due to paranoid tendencies within the ruling minority and also because it wants to make room for immigrants of its own choice in order to boost its own numbers and to further increase its military, political and economic power, in many cases, moreover, because there are genocidal attitudes and practices originating from the elites. There are cycles of violence in apartheid that are not duplicated in colonialized societies. Apartheid is also more extreme in terms of exploitation, repopulation policies, land confiscation, forced removals and ideology. The oppressive minority is larger than it is in colonies, and it cannot expect or even hope for the mother country or countries to help out in a time of crisis. It would not even be welcome, in large groups of migrants, in its countries of origin, in case it really faced ‘being driven into the sea’ 19 by the indigenous and would have to emigrate on a large scale. This goes for the Greeks in Egypt, for the Dutch (and many other European) descendants in South Africa, and for the Ashkenazy as well as the Sephardic Jews in modern Israel. In each case, we are talking about several million people. They would not be taken in en masse willingly by anyone, whether in Europe or elsewhere. Moreover, since the oppressive minority is larger, the control and surveillance established by the elites, their security forces, and their allies abroad is far greater than it is in a colony. Therefore, the political and economic pressures on the oppressed majority in an apartheid society can be (and are) increased in comparison with colonies. ‘Proper’ apartheid states are themselves aggressively colonialist in attitude and behavior. Greek-ruled Egypt established numerous colonies to the east, north and west. Dutch and British soldiers, as well as Dutch, Afrikaner and British farmers from the Cape gradually invaded land to the north and east and often added it to the white political entity gradually, as 18 Lester 1996: 15ff; Fredrickson: White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History, 1981: 18 19 For example, in 2001, the Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon’s foreign policy adviser, Daniel Ayalon, told reporters at a press conference that “We are not fans at all of a military solution although...if they hold us at gunpoint and tell us ‘Give us what we want or else we will keep shooting,’ they will never stop shooting until they drive us into the sea…” (N.N.: Palestinians Would Exploit Weakness - Israeli Official, August 16, 2001). Similarly, in an interview with the Russian magazine, New Times, the Israeli ex-prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu, talks about a political movement under Yasser Arafat “having the slogans ‘Death to Israel! And Cast the Jews into the Sea!’”, also without citing any specific sources. Pumpyansky: Binyamin Netanyahu: “The End of History”? It’s Rubbish, 2002. There is in fact plenty of macabre irony in the claim that the Arabs want to throw the Jews into the sea, an irony that has not been lost on the Palestinians. In 1948, many Palestinians were literally pushed into the turbulent Mediterranean sea, where they perished. With land routes cut off by Zionist forces, tens of thousands of refugees from the Palestinian city of Jaffa and neighbouring villages tried to flee by boat to Lebanon, Gaza and Egypt; scores of Palestinians were thus drowned. See Sohl: Implementing the Right of Return, 2003.
well. (Apart from that, the Afrikaners also set up the independent apartheid republics of Transvaal, Orange Free State and Natalia in order to escape British rule during the 19 th century.) Modern South Africa occupied and colonialized Namibia. And Israel has displayed colonialist streaks in the territories it conquered in the 1948 war, in southern Lebanon, Syria (the Golan Heights), Egypt (the Sinai peninsula), and most of all in the currently partly ‘selfgoverning’, previously, until 1967, Jordanian and Egyptian territories, i.e. the West Bank and Gaza. Today’s Israel within the 1967 borders is an apartheid society, although most of the oppressed majority has been expropriated and expelled, and has become a minority, because the Palestinian refugees are still Palestinian. In the Occupied Palestinian Territories, however, Israeli presence is both colonialism and apartheid, with some additional genocidal policies and practices. Over ten per cent of the population in those territories are illegal Jewish settlers. The invasions are sporadic, discontinuous and sometimes reversed. Just as Israeli troops invaded Lebanon in 1982 and (almost) vacated it in 2000 after 18 years of military occupation and destruction, the British administration of South Africa annexed Transorangia, the area between the Orange and Vaal rivers (including Lesotho) in 1848, but withdrew in 1852-54. They would not return for decades. The Israelis returned shortly to (the south of) Lebanon in 2006, killed over 1,300 people there, mostly civilians, destroyed the whole country’s infrastructure through bombings of civilian targets, and threatened to return soon again. After 28 years of military occupation of the West Bank, the Israeli forces also withdrew from some towns there, and there, too, they were back again, in most of the so-called ‘Palestinian Autonomous Areas’, within a decade. The aftermath of apartheid is also different from that of colonies: liberation and democratization in particular must (in both a moral and a politically constraining sense) involve tolerance and integration of the descendants of the invaders and oppressors. After colonialism, however, the colonializers formally and easily withdraw. As can be observed in the liberated South Africa thus far, land and business ownership remains to a very large extent in the old hands of the formerly ruling ethnic minority, leaving behind a legacy of apartheid that lingers far beyond its formal and official demise. Unlike colonialism, apartheid can never be a mere chapter in the history of a society. It is invariably a traumatic process that changes a society beyond recognition. I am not denying that colonialization under special circumstances can be equally traumatic, but in most cases, especially when it was short and relatively undramatic, it became a much more manageable burden to bear for subsequent generations. I distinguish ‘colonialization’ of inhabited land from ‘colonization’ of uninhabited and unclaimed land. The equally close proximity of apartheid to genocide is partly due to the simple fact that the oppressed and impoverished indigenous majority in an apartheid society will multiply faster than the privileged majority will, and to the fact that this becomes a challenge and a threat to the power of the privileged minority. Even in the era of weapons of mass destruction power still resides in population numbers. My sections on apartheid ‘Violence’ and ‘Repopulation’ will deal with the reasons behind this as well as the forms that genocidal or near-genocidal behavior takes. In order to manage apartheid, the ruling elites will thus time and again employ measures to ‘cull’ the indigenous. They will also do so for related reasons, e.g. to make space for privileged immigrants, and/or as punishment for and deterrence against uprisings and other kinds of resistance, etc. On the whole, indigenous human lives are not worth much, if anything at all, to those in power. Unlike essentially genocidal societies, however, the elites will let an indigenous majority stay alive, mainly for reasons of profitmaking – they find ways of making the majority work for them – and in the cases of South Africa and modern Israel, also because of a potentially threatening world public opinion, which could turn into intervention. (In a few cases, moreover, they might not have the military or political means to bring about ethnic cleansing or genocide, and in others they may feel that they might not have enough immigrants available to fill the places of the indigenous.) International sanctions due to (internationally perceived) gross human rights violations, 29
- Page 1 and 2: Apartheid Ancient, Past and Present
- Page 3 and 4: Interlude: The Other Gross Human Ri
- Page 5 and 6: outbreak of the Palestinians’ Sec
- Page 7 and 8: Nevertheless, among other things th
- Page 9 and 10: Yet, slavery in general is a classi
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- Page 13 and 14: elsewhere in Cape Town: Emma Thomas
- Page 15 and 16: I. The State of Apartheid and the A
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- Page 19 and 20: to leave the Occupied Territories,
- Page 21 and 22: includes racism, but it also goes b
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- Page 25 and 26: have settled and ruled supreme in S
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- Page 39 and 40: sociology. In my view his is a diff
- Page 41 and 42: Third Reich Racism The South Africa
- Page 43 and 44: land that had been the Empire of Zi
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28<br />
remote location, moreover, the appointed Dutch elite in the Cape Colony was running its own<br />
affairs.<br />
The culture and language of the white settlers in South Africa differed increasingly<br />
from those of the mother country, and they started calling themselves ‘Afrikaners’ and their<br />
language ‘Afrikaans’ rather than Dutch. In this sense, white-ruled South Africa (initially only<br />
the Cape peninsula) was a colony from 1652 when Whites first settled. It then gradually<br />
developed apartheid features but became more of a colony again from 1806 as it became<br />
British. The 19 th century Boer republics, Transvaal, the Orange Free State, and Natalia, and<br />
the independent South Africa from 1910 to 1994 were clear-cut apartheid societies in my wide<br />
sense. The Dutch and British colonies, on the other hand, were hybrid phenomena, somewhere<br />
in between colonies and apartheid societies. More accurately, they could be described as<br />
essentially apartheid societies with colonial veneers. They had a colonialist surface structure,<br />
but an apartheid deep structure. 18 The same applies to Egypt under Roman rule, where Greeks<br />
were also a majority among Europeans, remaining privileged in ways comparable to the<br />
Afrikaners under the British.<br />
The differences between an apartheid society and a colony manifest themselves further<br />
in the apartheid society being generally more violent – much due to paranoid tendencies<br />
within the ruling minority and also because it wants to make room for immigrants of its own<br />
choice in order to boost its own numbers and to further increase its military, political and<br />
economic power, in many cases, moreover, because there are genocidal attitudes and practices<br />
originating from the elites. There are cycles of violence in apartheid that are not duplicated in<br />
colonialized societies. <strong>Apartheid</strong> is also more extreme in terms of exploitation, repopulation<br />
policies, land confiscation, forced removals and ideology. The oppressive minority is larger<br />
than it is in colonies, and it cannot expect or even hope for the mother country or countries to<br />
help out in a time of crisis. It would not even be welcome, in large groups of migrants, in its<br />
countries of origin, in case it really faced ‘being driven into the sea’ 19 by the indigenous and<br />
would have to emigrate on a large scale. This goes for the Greeks in Egypt, for the Dutch (and<br />
many other European) descendants in South Africa, and for the Ashkenazy as well as the<br />
Sephardic Jews in modern Israel. In each case, we are talking about several million people.<br />
They would not be taken in en masse willingly by anyone, whether in Europe or elsewhere.<br />
Moreover, since the oppressive minority is larger, the control and surveillance established by<br />
the elites, their security forces, and their allies abroad is far greater than it is in a colony.<br />
Therefore, the political and economic pressures on the oppressed majority in an apartheid<br />
society can be (and are) increased in comparison with colonies.<br />
‘Proper’ apartheid states are themselves aggressively colonialist in attitude and<br />
behavior. Greek-ruled Egypt established numerous colonies to the east, north and west. Dutch<br />
and British soldiers, as well as Dutch, Afrikaner and British farmers from the Cape gradually<br />
invaded land to the north and east and often added it to the white political entity gradually, as<br />
18<br />
Lester 1996: 15ff; Fredrickson: White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African<br />
History, 1981: 18<br />
19<br />
For example, in 2001, the Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon’s foreign policy adviser, Daniel Ayalon, told<br />
reporters at a press conference that “We are not fans at all of a military solution although...if they hold us at<br />
gunpoint and tell us ‘Give us what we want or else we will keep shooting,’ they will never stop shooting until<br />
they drive us into the sea…” (N.N.: Palestinians Would Exploit Weakness - Israeli Official, August 16, 2001).<br />
Similarly, in an interview with the Russian magazine, New Times, the Israeli ex-prime minister, Binyamin<br />
Netanyahu, talks about a political movement under Yasser Arafat “having the slogans ‘Death to Israel! And Cast<br />
the Jews into the Sea!’”, also without citing any specific sources. Pumpyansky: Binyamin Netanyahu: “The End<br />
of History”? It’s Rubbish, 2002. There is in fact plenty of macabre irony in the claim that the Arabs want to<br />
throw the Jews into the sea, an irony that has not been lost on the Palestinians. In 1948, many Palestinians were<br />
literally pushed into the turbulent Mediterranean sea, where they perished. With land routes cut off by Zionist<br />
forces, tens of thousands of refugees from the Palestinian city of Jaffa and neighbouring villages tried to flee by<br />
boat to Lebanon, Gaza and Egypt; scores of Palestinians were thus drowned. See Sohl: Implementing the Right<br />
of Return, 2003.