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255<br />

at the end of the 19 th century, a Dutch Reformed Church minister, S.J. du Toit, became the<br />

first South African intellectual to endorse and build upon the myth of ‘the chosen people’,<br />

namely that: ‘Afrikaners...were...endowed by God with the destiny to rule South Africa and<br />

civilize its heathen inhabitants.’ 625<br />

As we observed in apartheid Egypt, there was in South Africa, too, a process of desecularization,<br />

which resulted in it becoming the most Christian country in Africa, mainly<br />

through missionary activities. The underclass was obviously easier to control, exploit, and<br />

abuse with a religion that emphasized non-violence and rewards in the afterlife.<br />

During the 20 th century, however, the role of religion diminished slightly, due among<br />

other things to the success of natural sciences, including the theory of evolution. This was a<br />

global development against which South Africans could do little. Yet on the whole, racism<br />

prevailed, probably even intensifying. Segregation and discrimination (before and in the post-<br />

1948 apartheid system) were in this context often based on an assumption that Africans were<br />

an inferior branch of the evolutionary tree. In the late nineteenth century, Whites thought that<br />

any of the Africans who were undeniably intelligent must have acquired their intelligence<br />

from ancestors who possessed ‘white blood’. 626 This was at a time that brought transformation<br />

for all racial groups in South Africa, but discrimination became more and more unquestioned<br />

among Whites. ‘Racial order’ became paramount for establishing new economic, social and<br />

spatial relations as industrialization and demographic revolution swept the country.<br />

By the 1920s, some Whites began to realize that differences between Africans and<br />

Europeans were due more to culture than to nature. Yet, by seeing racial differences through<br />

culture, the Europeans almost invariably still thought of the Africans as inferior. Now,<br />

however, they sometimes believed that there was a chance for this ‘inferior culture’ to<br />

advance through industrialization and urbanization in order to achieve the cultural ‘level’ of<br />

Whites. 627<br />

At the same time, though, race had become a crucial criterion for social segregation,<br />

mainly to secure white dominance over Blacks in the region. Because of this, Whites in<br />

general did not feel that segregation should be eliminated in order to help the Africans<br />

develop culturally. This was in the heyday of colonialism, when only Ethiopia was not (yet)<br />

ruled by Europeans in Africa. Segregation was a solution to the South African problem of<br />

industrial developments, since it gave the white population the opportunity to use cheap,<br />

unskilled black laborers at low cost, and at the same time, Whites thought they did not have to<br />

live amongst them. This was seen as a natural and rational thing to do for the Whites, since it<br />

was in their own economic and (perceived) social interest. This, according to Lester,<br />

‘...provided the structures which the apartheid ideologues would seek to consolidate.’ 628<br />

The ideologues, however, had some very useful, already existing thought at their<br />

disposal. The Afrikaner Broederbond (AB), the ‘Afrikaner Brotherhood’, a secret organization<br />

that had been formed in 1918, came to dominate every NP government from 1948 onwards.<br />

Its basic tenet was remarkably similar to the ideology of Jewish supremacy in Palestine (see<br />

next chapter). The Afrikaners felt threatened, by the (richer) British population as well as the<br />

625 Thompson 1990: 135<br />

626 Lester 1996: 58<br />

627 An elderly white South African once told the author: ‘Yes, the black man is my brother, but he is 200 years<br />

younger than I am.’ It should be added that the philosophical problem with this kind of racist thought is not the<br />

adoption of the concept of progress itself, but rather the adoption of a single dimension and a single direction of<br />

progress. This narrow concept of progress appears to be a peculiarly European invention, with dire<br />

consequences, such as the many strands of Hegelianism, Marxism, Comte’s positivism, Freud’s, Piaget’s and<br />

Kohlberg’s developmental psychologies, among the ‘scientific’ (in the wide sense) examples. The unequivocally<br />

unscientific theories and concepts of unidimensional and unidirectional progress were even more influential and<br />

even more fatal, especially within racist paradigms, theories and propaganda. See further Löwstedt 1995: 65ff.<br />

Similarly, some of the pre-1948 Zionists earnestly believed that the ‘primitive’ Arabs would welcome the<br />

‘modernizing’ invading or immigrating Jews and would want to emulate them.<br />

628 Lester 1996: 83

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