Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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255<br />
at the end of the 19 th century, a Dutch Reformed Church minister, S.J. du Toit, became the<br />
first South African intellectual to endorse and build upon the myth of ‘the chosen people’,<br />
namely that: ‘Afrikaners...were...endowed by God with the destiny to rule South Africa and<br />
civilize its heathen inhabitants.’ 625<br />
As we observed in apartheid Egypt, there was in South Africa, too, a process of desecularization,<br />
which resulted in it becoming the most Christian country in Africa, mainly<br />
through missionary activities. The underclass was obviously easier to control, exploit, and<br />
abuse with a religion that emphasized non-violence and rewards in the afterlife.<br />
During the 20 th century, however, the role of religion diminished slightly, due among<br />
other things to the success of natural sciences, including the theory of evolution. This was a<br />
global development against which South Africans could do little. Yet on the whole, racism<br />
prevailed, probably even intensifying. Segregation and discrimination (before and in the post-<br />
1948 apartheid system) were in this context often based on an assumption that Africans were<br />
an inferior branch of the evolutionary tree. In the late nineteenth century, Whites thought that<br />
any of the Africans who were undeniably intelligent must have acquired their intelligence<br />
from ancestors who possessed ‘white blood’. 626 This was at a time that brought transformation<br />
for all racial groups in South Africa, but discrimination became more and more unquestioned<br />
among Whites. ‘Racial order’ became paramount for establishing new economic, social and<br />
spatial relations as industrialization and demographic revolution swept the country.<br />
By the 1920s, some Whites began to realize that differences between Africans and<br />
Europeans were due more to culture than to nature. Yet, by seeing racial differences through<br />
culture, the Europeans almost invariably still thought of the Africans as inferior. Now,<br />
however, they sometimes believed that there was a chance for this ‘inferior culture’ to<br />
advance through industrialization and urbanization in order to achieve the cultural ‘level’ of<br />
Whites. 627<br />
At the same time, though, race had become a crucial criterion for social segregation,<br />
mainly to secure white dominance over Blacks in the region. Because of this, Whites in<br />
general did not feel that segregation should be eliminated in order to help the Africans<br />
develop culturally. This was in the heyday of colonialism, when only Ethiopia was not (yet)<br />
ruled by Europeans in Africa. Segregation was a solution to the South African problem of<br />
industrial developments, since it gave the white population the opportunity to use cheap,<br />
unskilled black laborers at low cost, and at the same time, Whites thought they did not have to<br />
live amongst them. This was seen as a natural and rational thing to do for the Whites, since it<br />
was in their own economic and (perceived) social interest. This, according to Lester,<br />
‘...provided the structures which the apartheid ideologues would seek to consolidate.’ 628<br />
The ideologues, however, had some very useful, already existing thought at their<br />
disposal. The Afrikaner Broederbond (AB), the ‘Afrikaner Brotherhood’, a secret organization<br />
that had been formed in 1918, came to dominate every NP government from 1948 onwards.<br />
Its basic tenet was remarkably similar to the ideology of Jewish supremacy in Palestine (see<br />
next chapter). The Afrikaners felt threatened, by the (richer) British population as well as the<br />
625 Thompson 1990: 135<br />
626 Lester 1996: 58<br />
627 An elderly white South African once told the author: ‘Yes, the black man is my brother, but he is 200 years<br />
younger than I am.’ It should be added that the philosophical problem with this kind of racist thought is not the<br />
adoption of the concept of progress itself, but rather the adoption of a single dimension and a single direction of<br />
progress. This narrow concept of progress appears to be a peculiarly European invention, with dire<br />
consequences, such as the many strands of Hegelianism, Marxism, Comte’s positivism, Freud’s, Piaget’s and<br />
Kohlberg’s developmental psychologies, among the ‘scientific’ (in the wide sense) examples. The unequivocally<br />
unscientific theories and concepts of unidimensional and unidirectional progress were even more influential and<br />
even more fatal, especially within racist paradigms, theories and propaganda. See further Löwstedt 1995: 65ff.<br />
Similarly, some of the pre-1948 Zionists earnestly believed that the ‘primitive’ Arabs would welcome the<br />
‘modernizing’ invading or immigrating Jews and would want to emulate them.<br />
628 Lester 1996: 83