Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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247<br />
A prime example of the classical Greek competitive-eliminative ethos, in at least one<br />
way unsuperseded by any racism since, is the way that Plato argued in favor of infanticide in<br />
his ‘Republic’. The finest stock was to be selected, and the not so perfect babies should be<br />
‘exposed’, i.e. left to die, in Plato’s ideal state. 593 The practice itself was in fact widespread<br />
throughout the Greek and Roman culture spheres during antiquity. Especially unwanted<br />
female infants were commonly left on garbage heaps to die slowly, sometimes perhaps to be<br />
picked up and saved by someone who would want such a child, or who would take pity on it,<br />
or feel morally obligated to take care of it. 594<br />
The Greeks brought this practice along to Egypt, and apparently it horrified the<br />
indigenous: ‘Egyptians, whose religion forbade infanticide, often rescued babies left thus to<br />
die. The law allowed them to adopt foundlings or raise them as slaves.’ 595<br />
An interesting fact about the Egyptians who saved the lives of these Greek and later<br />
also Roman infants is that Roman lawmakers encouraged Egyptians to enslave ‘exposed’<br />
babies, but indirectly punished them for adopting the same. According to Paragraph 41 of the<br />
Roman law for Egypt, a quarter of the property of Egyptians who adopted children ‘found on<br />
the garbage heap’ was to be confiscated by the state. 596 It is not immediately easy to see why<br />
anyone should be punished for saving innocent lives at all, and secondly, why there was no<br />
corresponding punishment for Egyptians who enslaved babies – Greek and Roman babies! –<br />
found in the trash. On the one hand, Roman sexism (most of these babies were girls) seems<br />
imperial regimes, ruling by military force for their own benefit, in the last resort massively indifferent to the<br />
indigenous civilisations with which they came into contact (Cleopatra VII was the first Ptolemy who ever<br />
bothered to learn Egyptian, there is virtually no trace of interpenetration between Hellenistic Greek and<br />
Pharaonic or Babylonian literature).’ Ibid. Clauss 2003: 167f. describes how the Roman Emperor, Vespasian,<br />
who ruled 69-79 CE, in a way made himself equal or superior to Sarapis, the main god in Alexandria at the time.<br />
593 Plato: The Republic 460c, This is the first known substantial anticipation of Social Darwinism and the first<br />
known justification of politically programmatic eugenics, see Mürner: Philosophische Bedrohungen:<br />
Kommentare zur Bewertung der Behinderung, 1996: 28. The German Nazi propaganda gratefully made<br />
extensive use of its Platonic inspiration. See Tzermias 1998: 130ff. (Of course this does not make Plato himself a<br />
Nazi. Some post-World War II commentators have probably gone too far in dismissing him as such, though<br />
others went at least as far in the opposite direction by preposterously trying to reinstate Plato as an egalitarian or<br />
humanist social thinker. Ibid: 132ff.) A further indirect legacy of Plato’s can, for instance, be found in Israel’s<br />
policy towards Palestinians, but also against its own disabled individuals, who are clearly underprivileged, unless<br />
they have wounds sustained in wars, in which case the state spends ‘lavishly’ on them. Ilan Ghilon, a left-wing<br />
Israeli lawmaker crippled by childhood polio, says: “It’s time we stop making this distinction between the ‘hero’<br />
and the ‘weak’.” See Williams: Israel’s Disabled Fight for Respect, Recognition, 2002.<br />
594 Tyldesley 1995 (1994): 69. Women in ancient Greece were in fact treated no better than women under<br />
Taliban rule in Afghanistan. Ibid: 38-44. See also above, Chapter I.4.<br />
595 Lewis, N. 1983: 54. In fact, it was more an Egyptian moral philosophy than Egyptian religion that forbade<br />
infanticide. The life-centeredness and the humanism of ancient Egyptian philosophy was an integral part of the<br />
culture from the very beginnings of the civilization, since long before de-secularization started to set in (with the<br />
New Kingdom: around 1550 BCE). And although the religion contained rules of conduct that appear to carry a<br />
notion of the sanctity of life, these rules vary considerably between the texts and in space and time. In spite of the<br />
Greek term and concept for Egyptian phonographic signs, hieroglyphs, i.e. ‘holy signs’, there were in fact never<br />
any holy, unalterable texts in Ancient Egypt prior to the biblical religions. On the whole, though, the ancient<br />
Egyptian concepts of life appear to differ from ancient Greek and subsequent ‘western’ concepts, in particular by<br />
not equating life with survival. At times, life even appears to have been conceived by the Egyptians as the<br />
sublime opposite to both death and survival. Thus, the ethical drift of Egyptian ontology was no doubt anti-<br />
Darwinist, i.e. anti-selectionist and anti-eliminationist. That is something that can hardly be said about European<br />
or ‘western’ ontology, or even about much of western arts, for example, Hamlet’s ‘To Be or Not to Be’ being, or<br />
rather, begging, the question. It would be an exaggeration to say that life has therefore been devalued (to the<br />
benefit of survival) by European culture as a whole, but it has certainly been so by strong currents within elite<br />
European culture since ancient Greece. See Zandee: Death as an Enemy According to Ancient Egyptian<br />
Conceptions, 1960; Bilolo: Les Cosmo-Theologies Philosophiques d’Heliopolis et d’Hermopolis, 1986;<br />
Assmann 1995 (1990): 214f, Assmann 1996: 165, 231-238; Assmann 1997: 193; Karenga 1995: 322-343;<br />
Löwstedt 1995: 151ff.<br />
596 Lewis, N. 1983: 58