Apartheid

Apartheid Apartheid

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236 quelling a riot. 559 Language commonly becomes one of the main battlefields of the liberation struggle against apartheid. The Soweto uprising (‘riot’) of 1976 was sparked by the apartheid government decree to increase the use of Afrikaans in schools, making it the mandatory language of instruction in at least half of all classes. In Egypt, similarly, we know that many Egyptians did not learn Greek. And we know that the Greeks mostly suppressed the Egyptian language, although it was to some extent, for practical reasons more than anything else, also a tolerated kind of resistance, in which the oppressed were occasionally allowed to let off steam. Linguistic, religious and cultural strength of the oppressed masses are obviously less disturbing to an oppressive ethnic minority than military, political, or economic strength would be, but they are still disturbing. 560 8.2. What Sparked the Soweto Uprising The official languages were Dutch (later replaced by Afrikaans) and English, all white languages, until the liberation in 1994. South Africa today has eleven official languages, of which Afrikaans and English are only the third and fourth most spoken languages at home, respectively. (English is obviously the most widely spoken language overall, i.e. as a first, second, or third language.) In retrospect, it is a small wonder that the indigenous African languages were not wiped out, like the ancient Egyptian tongue was, or at least made into marginalized minority languages, similar to the surviving Native American tongues in the Western Hemisphere today. On the other hand, African languages have picked up a great deal of European, especially English, vocabulary. And the Khoisan language family as a whole was in fact also on the verge of being wiped out under white rule. The linguistic diversity of South Africa has no doubt suffered severely due to the coming and the staying of the Whites. They added two new languages to the pre-existing mix, but they wiped out many more. Perhaps, then, a millennium of apartheid in South Africa would have achieved what it did in Egypt. The early white pioneers in South Africa and elsewhere in the world during this period – a period still referred to by many conscious or unconscious eurocentrics as the ‘Age of Discovery’ – embarked on the important task of renaming all aspects of the landscape in their own tongue. They ‘effectively prised non-European people away from the land which they inhabited, and once they had been textually removed from the landscape, it was easier to do so physically [and morally] as well.’ 561 Obviously, language cannot be ranked alongside physical violence or repopulation as an equally important factor of apartheid. But due to the complexity of human behavior and human social structures, oppressive behavior with regard to language can be contributing causes of apartheid and other kinds of ethnicist violence. Not only the names of landscape features play important roles in such a process, but nearly every aspect of symbolism, as the following comment, on the British oppression during the 19 th century of the Tswana people in today’s South Africa and Botswana, bears testimony: Colonizers in most places and at most times try to gain control over both the material and semantic practices through which their wouldbe subjects produce and reproduce the very bases of their existence, no habit being too humble, no sign too insignificant to be implicated in the battle. 562 559 Ibid: 231 560 Bowman 1996 (1986): 126 561 Gregory, D.: Geographical Imaginations, 1994: 30, quoted in Lester 1996: 10, words added by Lester. 562 Comaroff & Comaroff: Ethnography and the Historical Imagination, 1992: 236

237 Today, there are still many towns, main streets, squares, etc. that commemorate white supremacists and oppressors, for instance the ‘architect’ of apartheid in the narrow sense, former prime minister Hendrik Verwoerd. These offensive namings (which, naturally, contradict official condemnations of apartheid) survive largely because of a lack of government funds, bureaucratic obstacles and other pressing concerns for the government such as the AIDS pandemic, mass unemployment and rampant crime levels. Nonetheless, a few geographic entities have now been given African names, and many more are planned. This has caused some needless controversy, especially in rural areas, since many Whites are still opposed to renaming, not only for rational reasons, such as some of those just mentioned, but also out of a lingering racist motivation. In marked contrast, almost all Eastern European vestiges of Communism in art as well as the names of geographical landmarks were changed in a great hurry. 563 Let us now return to language, the most important symbolic system, as a whole. By 1976, most black students in South Africa were learning all or most subjects in English, which was often perceived as a neutral middle between African languages and Afrikaans, and, of course, as the most useful language in the world. As tension brewed in the deteriorating and severely overcrowded township schools, among many other parallel critical developments, including rising unemployment among Blacks, increasing international pressure against apartheid and the spread of the Black Consciousness Movement, the government provocatively and suddenly decided to force all black schools to introduce Afrikaans as a mandatory language of instruction for half of all subjects, with the rest of the subjects in English and only music, religion and physical education in the African mother tongue in primary schools and the lower forms of secondary schools. The highest classes for most black students, forms 3, 4 and 5 in secondary schools, were not to include any instruction in African languages at all. Chaos erupted in the black schools. The students, who had until that time often made a point out of not learning Afrikaans, the main language of the oppressors, were now often unable to understand the teachers at all. Many teachers also had severe problems with having to teach in an entirely new language for them. The teachers and students together launched a campaign against the decree, but the government would not budge an inch. The Deputy Minister of Bantu Education, Punt Janson, said: ‘No, I have not consulted the African people on the language issue and I’m not going to...An African might find that the ‘big boss’ only spoke Afrikaans or only spoke English. It would be to his advantage to know both languages.’ Another apartheid bureaucrat reacted similarly: ‘If students are not happy, they should stay away from school since attendance is not compulsory for Africans.’ 564 The school language issue became a wake-up call and a catalyst for many oppositional Blacks, who then started a South African Intifada that lasted, with short intermittent breaks, until political liberation 18 years later. As with the Palestinians, another 11 and 24 years, respectively, after the outbreak of the Soweto uprising, it was mainly children and youths, armed with little more than rocks and sticks, who challenged a military machinery that would probably have used all of its vast resources to suppress the uprising, including ABC weapons, had it not been for persistent media coverage and world public opinion. In the next section, we will take a look at some of the information and propaganda machinery employed by the apartheid elites and their allies, but increasingly also by the resistance and its allies in order to sway that opinion. It is obvious that South African liberation served as an inspiration to Palestinian liberation, both in general and in more specific regards. For example, children and youths were to become the heroes of resistance. Stone Age arsenals were used against nuclear age mass killing devices. The importance of photography, film, and symbolism in general rose significantly as the media became part of a new kind of desperate struggle in an altogether 563 N.N.: Afrikaner Backlash to South African Name Changes, January 31, 2002 564 Quoted in Bonner & Segal 1998: 82. See also Lester 1996: 166-171

236<br />

quelling a riot. 559<br />

Language commonly becomes one of the main battlefields of the liberation struggle<br />

against apartheid. The Soweto uprising (‘riot’) of 1976 was sparked by the apartheid<br />

government decree to increase the use of Afrikaans in schools, making it the mandatory<br />

language of instruction in at least half of all classes. In Egypt, similarly, we know that many<br />

Egyptians did not learn Greek. And we know that the Greeks mostly suppressed the Egyptian<br />

language, although it was to some extent, for practical reasons more than anything else, also a<br />

tolerated kind of resistance, in which the oppressed were occasionally allowed to let off<br />

steam. Linguistic, religious and cultural strength of the oppressed masses are obviously less<br />

disturbing to an oppressive ethnic minority than military, political, or economic strength<br />

would be, but they are still disturbing. 560<br />

8.2. What Sparked the Soweto Uprising<br />

The official languages were Dutch (later replaced by Afrikaans) and English, all white<br />

languages, until the liberation in 1994. South Africa today has eleven official languages, of<br />

which Afrikaans and English are only the third and fourth most spoken languages at home,<br />

respectively. (English is obviously the most widely spoken language overall, i.e. as a first,<br />

second, or third language.)<br />

In retrospect, it is a small wonder that the indigenous African languages were not<br />

wiped out, like the ancient Egyptian tongue was, or at least made into marginalized minority<br />

languages, similar to the surviving Native American tongues in the Western Hemisphere<br />

today. On the other hand, African languages have picked up a great deal of European,<br />

especially English, vocabulary. And the Khoisan language family as a whole was in fact also<br />

on the verge of being wiped out under white rule. The linguistic diversity of South Africa has<br />

no doubt suffered severely due to the coming and the staying of the Whites. They added two<br />

new languages to the pre-existing mix, but they wiped out many more. Perhaps, then, a<br />

millennium of apartheid in South Africa would have achieved what it did in Egypt.<br />

The early white pioneers in South Africa and elsewhere in the world during this period<br />

– a period still referred to by many conscious or unconscious eurocentrics as the ‘Age of<br />

Discovery’ – embarked on the important task of renaming all aspects of the landscape in their<br />

own tongue. They ‘effectively prised non-European people away from the land which they<br />

inhabited, and once they had been textually removed from the landscape, it was easier to do so<br />

physically [and morally] as well.’ 561<br />

Obviously, language cannot be ranked alongside physical violence or repopulation as<br />

an equally important factor of apartheid. But due to the complexity of human behavior and<br />

human social structures, oppressive behavior with regard to language can be contributing<br />

causes of apartheid and other kinds of ethnicist violence. Not only the names of landscape<br />

features play important roles in such a process, but nearly every aspect of symbolism, as the<br />

following comment, on the British oppression during the 19 th century of the Tswana people in<br />

today’s South Africa and Botswana, bears testimony:<br />

Colonizers in most places and at most times try to gain control over<br />

both the material and semantic practices through which their wouldbe<br />

subjects produce and reproduce the very bases of their existence,<br />

no habit being too humble, no sign too insignificant to be implicated<br />

in the battle. 562<br />

559 Ibid: 231<br />

560 Bowman 1996 (1986): 126<br />

561 Gregory, D.: Geographical Imaginations, 1994: 30, quoted in Lester 1996: 10, words added by Lester.<br />

562 Comaroff & Comaroff: Ethnography and the Historical Imagination, 1992: 236

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