Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
236 quelling a riot. 559 Language commonly becomes one of the main battlefields of the liberation struggle against apartheid. The Soweto uprising (‘riot’) of 1976 was sparked by the apartheid government decree to increase the use of Afrikaans in schools, making it the mandatory language of instruction in at least half of all classes. In Egypt, similarly, we know that many Egyptians did not learn Greek. And we know that the Greeks mostly suppressed the Egyptian language, although it was to some extent, for practical reasons more than anything else, also a tolerated kind of resistance, in which the oppressed were occasionally allowed to let off steam. Linguistic, religious and cultural strength of the oppressed masses are obviously less disturbing to an oppressive ethnic minority than military, political, or economic strength would be, but they are still disturbing. 560 8.2. What Sparked the Soweto Uprising The official languages were Dutch (later replaced by Afrikaans) and English, all white languages, until the liberation in 1994. South Africa today has eleven official languages, of which Afrikaans and English are only the third and fourth most spoken languages at home, respectively. (English is obviously the most widely spoken language overall, i.e. as a first, second, or third language.) In retrospect, it is a small wonder that the indigenous African languages were not wiped out, like the ancient Egyptian tongue was, or at least made into marginalized minority languages, similar to the surviving Native American tongues in the Western Hemisphere today. On the other hand, African languages have picked up a great deal of European, especially English, vocabulary. And the Khoisan language family as a whole was in fact also on the verge of being wiped out under white rule. The linguistic diversity of South Africa has no doubt suffered severely due to the coming and the staying of the Whites. They added two new languages to the pre-existing mix, but they wiped out many more. Perhaps, then, a millennium of apartheid in South Africa would have achieved what it did in Egypt. The early white pioneers in South Africa and elsewhere in the world during this period – a period still referred to by many conscious or unconscious eurocentrics as the ‘Age of Discovery’ – embarked on the important task of renaming all aspects of the landscape in their own tongue. They ‘effectively prised non-European people away from the land which they inhabited, and once they had been textually removed from the landscape, it was easier to do so physically [and morally] as well.’ 561 Obviously, language cannot be ranked alongside physical violence or repopulation as an equally important factor of apartheid. But due to the complexity of human behavior and human social structures, oppressive behavior with regard to language can be contributing causes of apartheid and other kinds of ethnicist violence. Not only the names of landscape features play important roles in such a process, but nearly every aspect of symbolism, as the following comment, on the British oppression during the 19 th century of the Tswana people in today’s South Africa and Botswana, bears testimony: Colonizers in most places and at most times try to gain control over both the material and semantic practices through which their wouldbe subjects produce and reproduce the very bases of their existence, no habit being too humble, no sign too insignificant to be implicated in the battle. 562 559 Ibid: 231 560 Bowman 1996 (1986): 126 561 Gregory, D.: Geographical Imaginations, 1994: 30, quoted in Lester 1996: 10, words added by Lester. 562 Comaroff & Comaroff: Ethnography and the Historical Imagination, 1992: 236
237 Today, there are still many towns, main streets, squares, etc. that commemorate white supremacists and oppressors, for instance the ‘architect’ of apartheid in the narrow sense, former prime minister Hendrik Verwoerd. These offensive namings (which, naturally, contradict official condemnations of apartheid) survive largely because of a lack of government funds, bureaucratic obstacles and other pressing concerns for the government such as the AIDS pandemic, mass unemployment and rampant crime levels. Nonetheless, a few geographic entities have now been given African names, and many more are planned. This has caused some needless controversy, especially in rural areas, since many Whites are still opposed to renaming, not only for rational reasons, such as some of those just mentioned, but also out of a lingering racist motivation. In marked contrast, almost all Eastern European vestiges of Communism in art as well as the names of geographical landmarks were changed in a great hurry. 563 Let us now return to language, the most important symbolic system, as a whole. By 1976, most black students in South Africa were learning all or most subjects in English, which was often perceived as a neutral middle between African languages and Afrikaans, and, of course, as the most useful language in the world. As tension brewed in the deteriorating and severely overcrowded township schools, among many other parallel critical developments, including rising unemployment among Blacks, increasing international pressure against apartheid and the spread of the Black Consciousness Movement, the government provocatively and suddenly decided to force all black schools to introduce Afrikaans as a mandatory language of instruction for half of all subjects, with the rest of the subjects in English and only music, religion and physical education in the African mother tongue in primary schools and the lower forms of secondary schools. The highest classes for most black students, forms 3, 4 and 5 in secondary schools, were not to include any instruction in African languages at all. Chaos erupted in the black schools. The students, who had until that time often made a point out of not learning Afrikaans, the main language of the oppressors, were now often unable to understand the teachers at all. Many teachers also had severe problems with having to teach in an entirely new language for them. The teachers and students together launched a campaign against the decree, but the government would not budge an inch. The Deputy Minister of Bantu Education, Punt Janson, said: ‘No, I have not consulted the African people on the language issue and I’m not going to...An African might find that the ‘big boss’ only spoke Afrikaans or only spoke English. It would be to his advantage to know both languages.’ Another apartheid bureaucrat reacted similarly: ‘If students are not happy, they should stay away from school since attendance is not compulsory for Africans.’ 564 The school language issue became a wake-up call and a catalyst for many oppositional Blacks, who then started a South African Intifada that lasted, with short intermittent breaks, until political liberation 18 years later. As with the Palestinians, another 11 and 24 years, respectively, after the outbreak of the Soweto uprising, it was mainly children and youths, armed with little more than rocks and sticks, who challenged a military machinery that would probably have used all of its vast resources to suppress the uprising, including ABC weapons, had it not been for persistent media coverage and world public opinion. In the next section, we will take a look at some of the information and propaganda machinery employed by the apartheid elites and their allies, but increasingly also by the resistance and its allies in order to sway that opinion. It is obvious that South African liberation served as an inspiration to Palestinian liberation, both in general and in more specific regards. For example, children and youths were to become the heroes of resistance. Stone Age arsenals were used against nuclear age mass killing devices. The importance of photography, film, and symbolism in general rose significantly as the media became part of a new kind of desperate struggle in an altogether 563 N.N.: Afrikaner Backlash to South African Name Changes, January 31, 2002 564 Quoted in Bonner & Segal 1998: 82. See also Lester 1996: 166-171
- Page 185 and 186: 185 health care and other rights, s
- Page 187 and 188: 4. Land 187 Land dispossession and
- Page 189 and 190: 189 separate quarters for Greeks of
- Page 191 and 192: 191 towns under the condition that
- Page 193 and 194: 193 settlements were being built th
- Page 195 and 196: 195 because when given self-rule in
- Page 197 and 198: order to enjoy elementary rights. W
- Page 199 and 200: 199 5.1. Tax unto Starvation Ptolem
- Page 201 and 202: 201 keeping such a brutal industry
- Page 203 and 204: 203 and often extremely unhealthy w
- Page 205 and 206: 205 In most cases, these passes are
- Page 207 and 208: 207 corporate giants. Here we have
- Page 209 and 210: 209 As elsewhere in the developing
- Page 211 and 212: 211 in and by itself apartheid in t
- Page 213 and 214: 213 near-psychotic state of mind of
- Page 215 and 216: 215 periods at varying times and ar
- Page 217 and 218: 217 overcrowded. For example, Ramal
- Page 219 and 220: 219 that in the Palestinian territo
- Page 221 and 222: 221 Third World citizens or worse:
- Page 223 and 224: 223 Manetho’s account. 501 From M
- Page 225 and 226: From the second and third centuries
- Page 227 and 228: education is inferior and a crime a
- Page 229 and 230: 229 on the other hand, aid from the
- Page 231 and 232: 8. Language Who is to say that robb
- Page 233 and 234: 233 case in the Americas during the
- Page 235: therefore throws into high profile
- Page 239 and 240: 239 Learning Hebrew, on the other h
- Page 241 and 242: 241 be overemphasized. The South Af
- Page 243 and 244: 243 It might seem vastly exaggerate
- Page 245 and 246: 245 and it continued throughout the
- Page 247 and 248: 247 A prime example of the classica
- Page 249 and 250: 249 greedy, cunning, unreliable and
- Page 251 and 252: 251 behind nuclear physics being su
- Page 253 and 254: 253 argued, already in the sixth ce
- Page 255 and 256: 255 at the end of the 19 th century
- Page 257 and 258: Inevitably, these racist stereotype
- Page 259 and 260: 259 edge of the sword’ (ibid: 6:2
- Page 261 and 262: 261 be denied access to or be expel
- Page 263 and 264: 263 ‘unified’ their countries d
- Page 265 and 266: 265 can be observed as in the cases
- Page 267 and 268: 267 of Arabs that are essentially t
- Page 269 and 270: 269 shocking and unacceptable as th
- Page 271 and 272: 271 This prevalent hypocrisy inhere
- Page 273 and 274: inclusive, democratic and secular v
- Page 275 and 276: 275 The misrepresentation and the l
- Page 277 and 278: 277 militants on September 5-6, 197
- Page 279 and 280: 279 Palestinian and otherwise, are
- Page 281 and 282: on Soviet Jewish immigration. 699 2
- Page 283 and 284: 283 worshippers at the Wailing Wall
- Page 285 and 286: 285 most expensive propaganda enter
236<br />
quelling a riot. 559<br />
Language commonly becomes one of the main battlefields of the liberation struggle<br />
against apartheid. The Soweto uprising (‘riot’) of 1976 was sparked by the apartheid<br />
government decree to increase the use of Afrikaans in schools, making it the mandatory<br />
language of instruction in at least half of all classes. In Egypt, similarly, we know that many<br />
Egyptians did not learn Greek. And we know that the Greeks mostly suppressed the Egyptian<br />
language, although it was to some extent, for practical reasons more than anything else, also a<br />
tolerated kind of resistance, in which the oppressed were occasionally allowed to let off<br />
steam. Linguistic, religious and cultural strength of the oppressed masses are obviously less<br />
disturbing to an oppressive ethnic minority than military, political, or economic strength<br />
would be, but they are still disturbing. 560<br />
8.2. What Sparked the Soweto Uprising<br />
The official languages were Dutch (later replaced by Afrikaans) and English, all white<br />
languages, until the liberation in 1994. South Africa today has eleven official languages, of<br />
which Afrikaans and English are only the third and fourth most spoken languages at home,<br />
respectively. (English is obviously the most widely spoken language overall, i.e. as a first,<br />
second, or third language.)<br />
In retrospect, it is a small wonder that the indigenous African languages were not<br />
wiped out, like the ancient Egyptian tongue was, or at least made into marginalized minority<br />
languages, similar to the surviving Native American tongues in the Western Hemisphere<br />
today. On the other hand, African languages have picked up a great deal of European,<br />
especially English, vocabulary. And the Khoisan language family as a whole was in fact also<br />
on the verge of being wiped out under white rule. The linguistic diversity of South Africa has<br />
no doubt suffered severely due to the coming and the staying of the Whites. They added two<br />
new languages to the pre-existing mix, but they wiped out many more. Perhaps, then, a<br />
millennium of apartheid in South Africa would have achieved what it did in Egypt.<br />
The early white pioneers in South Africa and elsewhere in the world during this period<br />
– a period still referred to by many conscious or unconscious eurocentrics as the ‘Age of<br />
Discovery’ – embarked on the important task of renaming all aspects of the landscape in their<br />
own tongue. They ‘effectively prised non-European people away from the land which they<br />
inhabited, and once they had been textually removed from the landscape, it was easier to do so<br />
physically [and morally] as well.’ 561<br />
Obviously, language cannot be ranked alongside physical violence or repopulation as<br />
an equally important factor of apartheid. But due to the complexity of human behavior and<br />
human social structures, oppressive behavior with regard to language can be contributing<br />
causes of apartheid and other kinds of ethnicist violence. Not only the names of landscape<br />
features play important roles in such a process, but nearly every aspect of symbolism, as the<br />
following comment, on the British oppression during the 19 th century of the Tswana people in<br />
today’s South Africa and Botswana, bears testimony:<br />
Colonizers in most places and at most times try to gain control over<br />
both the material and semantic practices through which their wouldbe<br />
subjects produce and reproduce the very bases of their existence,<br />
no habit being too humble, no sign too insignificant to be implicated<br />
in the battle. 562<br />
559 Ibid: 231<br />
560 Bowman 1996 (1986): 126<br />
561 Gregory, D.: Geographical Imaginations, 1994: 30, quoted in Lester 1996: 10, words added by Lester.<br />
562 Comaroff & Comaroff: Ethnography and the Historical Imagination, 1992: 236