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therefore throws into high profile one particular, idealized, literary<br />

form of a language of which many forms, spoken and written, were<br />

familiar to all literates. This is the practice taken up by scholarly Latin<br />

grammarians. . . As a result, a particular type of language, a normative<br />

version of classic literary Attic or classic literary Latin, became the<br />

standard not only of literary language but of educated spoken<br />

language, too. 556<br />

235<br />

It becomes obvious that grammar school was an exercise in cultural and social<br />

exclusion as much as anything else. It is important to point out that this is not mere snobbery,<br />

it is not just upper-class pride. It is an instance of ethnicism, designed to reserve privilege for<br />

an invading ethnic elite. Like Afrikaans in (twentieth and late nineteenth century) South<br />

Africa and Hebrew in modern Israel, the Greek elites introduced to Egypt a language, which<br />

was spoken or understood by few, and mastered by even fewer, as the a priori elite means of<br />

communication. Attic Greek was a language or dialect known from written texts from the<br />

region of Athens, texts which were at least two centuries old.<br />

The aim of attikismos [atticism], stylistic and linguistic, was to<br />

differentiate the leaders of Greek letters and speech from the broad<br />

mass of Greek speakers in order to signal clearly that they had<br />

command of the best sort of Greek. It was the expression of a certain<br />

sort of consciousness, a distinction to do with the maintenance of<br />

cultural superiority. 557<br />

Another central subject at the elite schools of Graeco-Roman Egypt was rhetoric.<br />

Although, throughout ancient times, it was not exclusively seen the way it is usually perceived<br />

today, as a means to the end of augmenting power, but sometimes also as an ‘ideal<br />

encompassing truth, beauty, persuasion and power’, it was nevertheless another important<br />

weapon used by the apartheid elites in order to defend, consolidate and extend power. The<br />

idea was of course to keep possession of power within a rigidly limited number of groups and<br />

individuals.<br />

[S]omething which all educated Greeks and Romans would have<br />

recognized…[was] the unique glamour of the art of persuasion. . .<br />

[R]hetoric constitutes the moment of the pupil’s transition from<br />

passive recipient of education to active user of it, a transition<br />

which…was a vital marker of social status and power. 558<br />

Egypt under Greek or Roman rule was never anything remotely akin to a democracy.<br />

Unlike today’s leaders, the politicians and other state employees in Ptolemaic Egypt and in<br />

Imperial Rome and its provinces were not primarily populists. They were not in politics for<br />

votes, but for control, wealth, and manipulation. One of the main surviving sources of<br />

educational texts from the Roman period is Quintilian’s Institutio Oratorio.<br />

The vocation of Quintilian’s orator is above all to rule, and his rule is<br />

described in absolutist terms. This is no negotiation among equals, no<br />

wooing of the crowd. The orator controls his people, both physically<br />

and mentally. Describing the relationship of the orator with the crowd<br />

Quintilian tellingly invokes Virgil’s description of a statesman<br />

556 Morgan 1998: 160-162<br />

557 Swain 1996: 21<br />

558 Ibid: 197f. A single situation, according to Morgan, where being untruthful was accepted according to the<br />

rhetoric curriculum at the time, was if a lie was ‘required for reasons of state’, ibid: 227. Moreover: ‘The orator<br />

will always have the interests of state at heart.’ Ibid: 231

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