Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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corporate giants. Here we have a third form of it. The oppressors are indigenous, in relative<br />
terms, the victims are foreign ‘guest’ workers. An interesting feature appears at this point. The<br />
foreign workers are often being paid even less than the Palestinians are, or rather, than the<br />
Palestinians were, since Israelis hardly employ Palestinians any longer. This probably never<br />
happened on such a large scale before in an apartheid society: an imported work force is being<br />
paid less than the indigenous, in relative terms, and they are often being mistreated worse in<br />
other ways, too. Or are they? One could well argue that Palestinians, who are not getting jobs<br />
at all, are treated worse in a more general sense. And then we have the Israeli violence. Being<br />
beaten is bad enough, but being bombed or taken out by army snipers targeting civilians is<br />
worse. A neo-apartheid phenomenon thus exists in Israel, but it is not (yet) as severe as<br />
apartheid, not even close to it, in fact. Moreover, Palestinian labor is probably still cheaper for<br />
Israel than the imported work force is, in general economic terms. Although the latter are paid<br />
less, they first have to be imported, then acclimatized in both natural and cultural senses, for<br />
instance by being taught the language. Of course, it is impossible to confidently estimate such<br />
costs, but it certainly seems as if the Israeli decisions not to hire Palestinian workers are<br />
political (ethnicist) rather than economic.<br />
Palestinians in the Occupied Territories are not only isolated from Israel but from each<br />
other as well. Palestinian trade is severely limited between the different autonomous areas<br />
such as between Gaza and the West Bank, mainly due to pass limitations and the lack of direct<br />
routes to the destinations (of Palestinian goods deliveries). A UN report, released in 2003, said<br />
curfews were imposed on towns in the West Bank by the Israeli army 70 per cent of the time<br />
in the second half of 2002, halting about 75 per cent of domestic production. Defining poverty<br />
as living on less than $2 a day, the World Bank, in a companion report, said 21 per cent of<br />
Palestinians were poor when the Intifada broke out in September 2000, and the figure reached<br />
60 per cent in December 2002. The Israelis, of course, say that the Palestinians only have<br />
themselves to blame for this situation, by continuing to engage in violent activities. The<br />
Palestinians, on the other hand, say they did not start the violence and blame Israel for<br />
engaging in illegal, collective punishment. 462<br />
Palestinians with Israeli citizenship are also victims of severe discrimination. In almost<br />
every ministry and state company, the percentage of Palestinians hired is much lower than the<br />
percentage of Palestinians in the work force. Out of the 540 jobs in the Ministry of Trade and<br />
Industry, for example, only four have been given to Palestinian citizens of Israel, who make<br />
up 20 per cent of the work force. And then, out of the state money allocated to the ministry,<br />
only half a per cent goes to projects benefitting Palestinian citizens of Israel. 463<br />
Another example: Public institutions and many private companies make army service<br />
a condition of employment. Of course, this is not unheard-of in countries with compulsory<br />
military service. But Arabs, except for the Bedouin and the Druze Arabs, who are tiny<br />
minorities, are the only ethnicity barred from military service in Israel. Thus, nearly all Arabs<br />
are unable to fulfil a crucial condition of employment, simply because they are by law not<br />
allowed to do so.<br />
To stop this condition of employment was one of nine concrete steps demanded in<br />
2001 by the International Federation of Human Rights Leagues (FIDH) in order to end<br />
discrimination against Arabs in Israel. The other steps demanded by the FIDH included<br />
instituting a constitutional ban on discrimination, removing any reference to ethnicity on<br />
Israeli identity cards, allowing Arab political parties that do not ‘support the Jewish character<br />
of Israel’ to contest elections and extending Arab access to public funds and property rights.<br />
The FIDH said that Israel violates its international obligations by continuing discrimination<br />
and repression of its Arab citizens. 464<br />
462<br />
Heinrich: Conflict Throttling Palestinian Economy-World Bank, 2003<br />
463 2<br />
Bishara, M. 2002 (2001): 52<br />
464<br />
N.N.: Paris-Based Group Slams Israel on Arab Rights, July 4, 2001