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203<br />

and often extremely unhealthy work conditions in the gold mines, and despite the huge profits<br />

made by the exclusively white owners, black miners were still being paid wages below the<br />

poverty line. Moreover, the black workers were subjected to routine humiliating room,<br />

clothes, baggage, and body searches and even lived in cage-like compounds if they worked<br />

with mining the most valuable minerals. Blacks were forbidden from owning or possessing<br />

any minerals as well as factories or mills. They were also legally banned from becoming state<br />

prosecutors, magistrates, or judges. Mandela, who opened the first black law firm in South<br />

Africa with Oliver Tambo (who preceded Mandela as head of the ANC), also describes how<br />

his and Tambo’s work was made nearly impossible by state agents harassing them. 443<br />

What choices did the mine workers really have? Not many. Before apartheid in the<br />

narrow sense, there was one period when black workers were able to try harder to achieve<br />

better conditions. After the Russian revolution of 1917, several unions and leftist<br />

organizations were formed and in June 1918 African municipal workers in Johannesburg<br />

started a strike for higher wages. The authorities responded harshly. 152 workers were jailed<br />

and sentenced to carry out their old jobs under armed surveillance. Later, strikes by African<br />

workers were made entirely illegal. 444<br />

The factories also subjected Blacks to ‘slave-like’ working conditions. For instance, as<br />

late as 1987, the Sasol oil-from-coal processing plant, which was managed by South African<br />

Whites alongside the US firm, Fluor Corporation, paid Blacks $1.80 an hour less than their<br />

white colleagues on the factory floor, for performing the same work. Demanding higher<br />

wages, the Blacks went on strike, but the management used state police and their own security<br />

agents to attack and set dogs on the strikers. Some workers were killed and all the black<br />

employees fired, according to a team of lawyers who sued the corporations on behalf of the<br />

exploited and victimized black workers in 2003. 445<br />

African farm workers were paid even less than those working in the industries. Yet,<br />

they could not leave the white farms to seek more highly paid employment. White farmers<br />

controlled the Africans by beating and whipping them, by placing them in debt and by not<br />

providing them with the necessary passes. Withholding passes was the most effective way of<br />

ensuring that Blacks remained on white farms, because it limited their freedom of movement.<br />

African farm laborers were barred from adapting to either traditional or modern life because<br />

they were not allowed to live in the reserves or the cities. This made them socially marginal<br />

and ‘victims of systematic exploitation’. 446 The appropriateness of my choice of extending the<br />

concept of apartheid to include the entire period of white domination is perhaps best shown<br />

with the example of 20 th century farm workers, whose lot was barely different from that of<br />

their slave predecessors in the 17 th and 18 th centuries.<br />

From 1925, the government demanded a ‘poll tax’ of one pound each from African<br />

men aged eighteen or more and a local ten-shilling tax per dwelling in the reserves. High<br />

taxation and bad harvests (due to lack of infrastructure) worsened the already poor life quality<br />

of the Africans in the reserves. Therefore, Africans (mainly males) came looking for<br />

employment on white farms and in towns. Though the wages at the farms and in towns were<br />

low, they became essential to sustain families living in the reserves. The black farm workers<br />

remained on the farms as a result. From 1939 onwards Africans who had failed to pay the poll<br />

443 Lepper & Robbins: Gold and International Sanctions against South Africa, 1990: 195ff; Mandela 2002<br />

(1965): 43, 129. Clauss 2003: 130 describes how the Egyptian workers in ancient Alexandria’s profitable incense<br />

factories were forced to leave the production facilities naked, officially in order to ensure that no theft was taking<br />

place, but also in order to humiliate the natives. The same pattern is being repeated on a daily basis at Israeli<br />

checkpoints, border crossings, etc. Here, the official issue is security, but the end result, humiliation and hatred,<br />

i.e. insecurity, is the same. On apartheid humiliation, see also footnotes 245, 477, 657, and 738.<br />

444 van der Walt: The Influence of the IWW in Southern Africa, 2005-6: 36; Mandela 2002 (1965): 167<br />

445 Chege: S.Africans to Sue Fluor for <strong>Apartheid</strong> Wrongs, 2003. On the lawsuits against some of the largest<br />

South African, American and western European companies that profited the most from South African apartheid,<br />

see footnote 758.<br />

446 Thompson 1990: 165f.

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