Apartheid
Apartheid Apartheid
198 5. Work In a wage, a hidden war (Johnny Clegg) 419 Whereas the hard core of racist apartheid advocates and defenders will never stray far away from taking ethnicism one or two steps further, i.e. from carrying out or preaching ethnic cleansing or genocide, the more ‘moderate’ ones realize that hate is not as profitable as coldly planned and executed oppression, theft, and exploitation. In an optimized equilibrium between the latter three, profits can be maximized and apparently bring enormous wealth as well as efficient short-term physical security to those in power. This is common knowledge in educated Europe since the Ptolemaic era, at the latest. Educated, elite South Africans and Israelis who had a hand in the apartheid architectures of their societies are unlikely to have missed this point. A mixed free-market and state-controlled economy in each case of ‘successful’ apartheid also offers further opportunities to divide and rule. Aside from being prevented by the apartheid state from developing politically or economically, the indigenous workers must fight each other for the scraps that are thrown at them by the almost perpetually feasting ethnic-economic elites. Masses of indigenous people, it seems, are kept unemployed on purpose, and, in this way, the wages are kept at a minimum, or, rather, below it. The sexes are segregated by apartheid economies, at least by the developed apartheid economy. The indigenous women are mainly wanted for underpaid domestic work, the men for underpaid physical work. In South Africa, black migrant male workers were often only able to meet their families once a year, for a few days. Black women not wanted for work in white areas and their children were usually literally locked up in ‘Reserves’ or ‘Homelands’ where the poor quality of the land made them less than self-sufficient and dependent on their husbands’ meagre incomes from mining and other industrial or otherwise menial work. The economies of Egypt and South Africa almost became colonial in character at the zenith of their colonial masters’ powers. In economic terms, they started becoming specialized at the behest of Rome and London. Egypt became the main wheat producer for the entire Roman Empire, whereas the economy of South Africa became largely dependent on its diamond and gold exports under British rule a century ago. But, on the whole, we are looking at diversified economies as hallmarks of independent apartheid countries. We are also looking at very affluent economies with extremely concentrated and extremely unequally spread wealth in each instance of apartheid. This second hallmark of apartheid economy is in fact even more important than the diversity of production and trade. The reason for this is that both the profiteers and the primary victims remained the same, in generally ethnic terms, during the exceptional colony-like conditions. So far, they have also even largely remained the same in South Africa during post-apartheid conditions. In Israel, the pattern is repeated yet again, although an added element of economic volatility accompanies the economically globalized Israel, which leaves its economy less independent than those of its predecessors, a weakness that in and by itself could spell the end of this brand of apartheid much sooner than the other two countries. In the occupied Palestinian Territories today, as in Bosnia or Kosovo, there is a new kind of economy, based on the contributions by international aid organizations, governmental as well as non-governmental, most of it tied to fulfil conditions determined by the donors, or by governmental restraints on those donors. Thus, a lid is kept on brewing indigenous discontent with the more basic, yet entirely unresolved political, economic, social, and cultural issues. This is a short-term illusion as well as a short-term solution for an ethnicist economy. 419 Clegg, Johnny: Work for All, first released on the album ‘Work for All’ by Johnny Clegg & Juluka, 1983
199 5.1. Tax unto Starvation Ptolemaic Egypt manifests the most highly exploitative of all known systems of oppression throughout antiquity 420 . During the so-called Dynastic period, ancient Egypt between ca. 3100 BCE and 332 BCE, the taxes of common peasants amounted to around 10 per cent of their harvests, at least during the parts of the Dynastic period that we know. 421 Under Ptolemaic rule, however, taxes rose to at least 50 per cent of the harvest, sometimes partly in order to line the pockets of corrupt tax-collectors, which in practice meant that almost the entire indigenous population now had to live close to minimum subsistence levels, if not actually below them. 422 The domestic economy of Egypt was in the process of becoming monetarized when Alexander arrived, and many other taxes were levied on the Egyptian peasants and services required of them, usually leaving Greek people exempt. In short, ethnicity was ‘not only a social… but also a legal and political reality’. 423 Roman rule brought no relief for the Egyptians, rather the opposite: Unfortunately...the profit principle proved no less irresistible to Roman administrators, businessmen, and, all too soon, senators than it had done to the Macedonians. The tradition, after all, was well established. It had been what panhellenism was all about, as early as the fourth century: a united ethnic crusade against the East, with wealth and power as its objectives, cultural superiority (and Xerxes’ long-past invasion) as its justification. That had been the whole moral basis of Alexander’s expedition, of the sharing of the spoils by his successors. Material greed and racial contempt had been the fuel that maintained Macedonians in power... 424 After the Romans had established themselves as rulers, the Egyptian farm labor had two upper classes of foreigners in Egypt to supply, aside from delivering the largest share of food for the city of Rome itself, which had by now become the first city in human history to boast a population of over a million people. The greed and contempt manifested by the elites are remarkable. The Graeco-Roman system remained one of taxation, rather than payment of ethnically discriminatory low salaries, as most of the exploitation in South Africa and Israel would be. The bulk of the tax fell on the poorest of the population, with Roman citizens and the citizens of the three Greek cities exempt. Priests of the major temples were also spared, though in general the temples came under increasing state control. . . . The weight of taxation became so oppressive that there are appeals by the collectors to their supervisors that whole villages have fled or been so impoverished they can no longer pay. . . . At times of crisis the tendency was to increase the oppression of the poor. The second century physician Galen, writing on how disease spread among the poor, mentions in passing that at times of famine the city dwellers would strip the local countryside of its food, bringing starvation to its inhabitants. 425 420 Koch 1993: 488 421 Iliffe 1995: 20 422 Ibid: 26; Lewis, N. 1983: 23. This percentage was never again paralleled in colonial Africa, not even in the equally productive semi-slave economies during the 19 th and early 20 th centuries CE, by which time technological progress presumably would have made an even higher tax possible; cf. Iliffe 1995: 196ff, and Gehrke 1990: 66. 423 Koenen: The Ptolemaic King as a Religious Figure, 1993: 35 424 Green 1990: 648. Xerxes was a Persian ruler who attempted but failed to conquer Greece in the fifth century BCE. 425 Freeman, C.: Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Mediterranean, 1996: 439. Around one-third of Rome’s entire wheat supply came from Egypt. See Clauss 2003: 84f; Iliffe 1995: 26; Lewis, N. 1983: 142, on the
- Page 147 and 148: 147 as a majoritarian democracy is
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- Page 159 and 160: 159 suffering from dementia. 305 Th
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- Page 223 and 224: 223 Manetho’s account. 501 From M
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199<br />
5.1. Tax unto Starvation<br />
Ptolemaic Egypt manifests the most highly exploitative of all known systems of<br />
oppression throughout antiquity 420 . During the so-called Dynastic period, ancient Egypt<br />
between ca. 3100 BCE and 332 BCE, the taxes of common peasants amounted to around 10<br />
per cent of their harvests, at least during the parts of the Dynastic period that we know. 421<br />
Under Ptolemaic rule, however, taxes rose to at least 50 per cent of the harvest, sometimes<br />
partly in order to line the pockets of corrupt tax-collectors, which in practice meant that<br />
almost the entire indigenous population now had to live close to minimum subsistence levels,<br />
if not actually below them. 422 The domestic economy of Egypt was in the process of<br />
becoming monetarized when Alexander arrived, and many other taxes were levied on the<br />
Egyptian peasants and services required of them, usually leaving Greek people exempt. In<br />
short, ethnicity was ‘not only a social… but also a legal and political reality’. 423<br />
Roman rule brought no relief for the Egyptians, rather the opposite:<br />
Unfortunately...the profit principle proved no less irresistible to<br />
Roman administrators, businessmen, and, all too soon, senators than it<br />
had done to the Macedonians. The tradition, after all, was well<br />
established. It had been what panhellenism was all about, as early as<br />
the fourth century: a united ethnic crusade against the East, with<br />
wealth and power as its objectives, cultural superiority (and Xerxes’<br />
long-past invasion) as its justification. That had been the whole moral<br />
basis of Alexander’s expedition, of the sharing of the spoils by his<br />
successors. Material greed and racial contempt had been the fuel that<br />
maintained Macedonians in power... 424<br />
After the Romans had established themselves as rulers, the Egyptian farm labor had<br />
two upper classes of foreigners in Egypt to supply, aside from delivering the largest share of<br />
food for the city of Rome itself, which had by now become the first city in human history to<br />
boast a population of over a million people. The greed and contempt manifested by the elites<br />
are remarkable. The Graeco-Roman system remained one of taxation, rather than payment of<br />
ethnically discriminatory low salaries, as most of the exploitation in South Africa and Israel<br />
would be.<br />
The bulk of the tax fell on the poorest of the population, with Roman<br />
citizens and the citizens of the three Greek cities exempt. Priests of the<br />
major temples were also spared, though in general the temples came<br />
under increasing state control. . . . The weight of taxation became so<br />
oppressive that there are appeals by the collectors to their supervisors<br />
that whole villages have fled or been so impoverished they can no<br />
longer pay. . . . At times of crisis the tendency was to increase the<br />
oppression of the poor. The second century physician Galen, writing<br />
on how disease spread among the poor, mentions in passing that at<br />
times of famine the city dwellers would strip the local countryside of<br />
its food, bringing starvation to its inhabitants. 425<br />
420<br />
Koch 1993: 488<br />
421<br />
Iliffe 1995: 20<br />
422<br />
Ibid: 26; Lewis, N. 1983: 23. This percentage was never again paralleled in colonial Africa, not even in the<br />
equally productive semi-slave economies during the 19 th and early 20 th centuries CE, by which time<br />
technological progress presumably would have made an even higher tax possible; cf. Iliffe 1995: 196ff, and<br />
Gehrke 1990: 66.<br />
423<br />
Koenen: The Ptolemaic King as a Religious Figure, 1993: 35<br />
424<br />
Green 1990: 648. Xerxes was a Persian ruler who attempted but failed to conquer Greece in the fifth century<br />
BCE.<br />
425<br />
Freeman, C.: Egypt, Greece and Rome: Civilizations of the Mediterranean, 1996: 439. Around one-third of<br />
Rome’s entire wheat supply came from Egypt. See Clauss 2003: 84f; Iliffe 1995: 26; Lewis, N. 1983: 142, on the