Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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because when given self-rule in certain areas, the Palestinians from these areas were no longer<br />
permitted access to areas under Israeli rule, including east Jerusalem. (The region is now<br />
divided into three parts: Israel, the West Bank and Gaza, including some areas, which are still<br />
under Israeli rule, but will supposedly – some day – be returned to the Palestinians). Thus, the<br />
Palestinians living in the West Bank and Gaza are not allowed to enter Israel. People have<br />
become isolated from the rest of the country. This does not only harm the Palestinian<br />
economy (many people from the West Bank worked in Israel prior to this division but are now<br />
no longer allowed to do so); their freedom to move and thus to integrate the scattered self-rule<br />
areas was also compromised.<br />
The Pass Laws present another parallel between South Africa and Israel, with the<br />
bureaucracy of segregation attaining new heights in present-day Israel. A more essential<br />
difference is contained in the fact that segregation was the chosen option of the main players<br />
in the Israeli-Palestinian ‘peace process’. 411 In terms of the South African transition from<br />
apartheid, this puts current Israeli-Palestinian relations into the 1976-1981 phase, when South<br />
Africa granted ‘independence’ to the ‘Bantustans’ or ‘Homelands’. Similarly, the territories<br />
granted to the Palestinians are of little interest to the Israelis. They are widely dispersed, and<br />
they are not centres of economic development. To a large extent, the Israelis are also making<br />
sure that they never will be centers of production or trade. The Israeli government uprooted no<br />
less than 100,000 trees in the West Bank and Gaza during the first three months of the Second<br />
Intifada. Many of these were olive and citrus trees and the losses incurred were estimated at<br />
US$127 million. 412 Moreover, the Palestinian Homelands are landlocked, except Gaza, which<br />
only started work on its first harbor in the year 2000 and was forced by Israeli army<br />
demolitions to abandon the project in the following year 413 , and they have no water resources<br />
411 Amr, H.: Palestinian and South African Elections Compared, 1996: 19-22<br />
412 Ass’adi: Israel Uproots 100,000 Trees in West Bank and Gaza, 2001<br />
413 ‘In September [2001] Israeli tanks rolled into the [harbor] site…and flattened the work site buildings. Israeli<br />
officials say the action was taken because Palestinians were using the area to fire mortar shells at a nearby Jewish<br />
settlement. Palestinians say it is collective punishment for their uprising against occupation.’ Subsequently, the<br />
crucial financial backing from France and the Netherlands, needed to start the harbor project, was cancelled,<br />
although a new project in the future was not ruled out. The reason given for the cancellation was ‘security<br />
concerns’. In a parallel development, the runway of Gaza’s only airport was torn up for the third time by Israelis<br />
in December 2001 in what also appeared to be a case of collective punishment. Blair: Flags at Half Mast as Gaza<br />
Port Plans Fade, 2001. During 2001 alone, the IDF destroyed an estimated 14.5 million euros ($12.8 million)<br />
worth of Palestinian projects funded by European Union taxpayers, the main financial donors to the Palestinian<br />
Authority. In referring to a report on the damage, EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana said it was hard to see<br />
how the destruction of civilian infrastructure financed by foreign donors could be related to combating terrorism,<br />
which remained Israel’s official excuse for causing the damage. Aside from the destruction of the airport and<br />
harbor, the Israelis had destroyed a forestry project, a counter-terrorism forensic laboratory, the Palestinian<br />
central bureau of statistics, two schools, sewage, irrigation, road repair and housing projects financed by the EU.<br />
N.N.: Israeli Attacks Hit EU-Funded Palestinian Projects, January 22, 2002. On the following day, the French<br />
foreign ministry spokesman, Bernard Valero, said that the EU might ask Israel to pay for the damage it has<br />
inflicted on these projects. On January 28, the EU officially reserved the right to claim reparations from Israel for<br />
the damage. In response, Israel reiterated its claim that the destruction was unintended, adding that it would try to<br />
avoid it in the future. N.N.: EU Could Ask Israel to Pay for Damage, France Says, January 23, 2002; Hauser:<br />
Israel to Try to Avoid Damaging EU Projects, 2002. Yet, only weeks later, the EU estimated that Israel had<br />
destroyed many more millions worth of EU-funded projects in the West Bank during its April 2002 attacks on<br />
Palestinian territories. The toll now stood at nearly 20 million euros ($ 17.6 million at that time) Similarly, the<br />
UN relief and workers agency, UNRWA, announced that it also considered asking Israel for compensation to<br />
repair nearly $4 million in damages caused by the Israeli military in UN-run Palestinian refugee camps before<br />
the April 2002 incursions and subsequent reoccupations. UNRWA said the Israeli Defense Force had damaged<br />
22 UN schools, four UN health clinics, two UN ambulances and four camp service centers. Repairs were needed<br />
to 141 refugee homes that were destroyed and 1,800 shelters that suffered minor damage. This was in addition to<br />
the more than 5,000 refugee homes damaged or destroyed by bulldozing and shelling since September 2000.<br />
UNRWA also said its damage assessment did not include funds that would be needed to cover social and welfare<br />
services for households without a breadwinner, physical rehabilitation for the injured and trauma counseling for<br />
children who witnessed battles in the streets and in their homes. UNRWA chief Peter Hansen said Israel was less