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talent and principle this must include bigots and losers. The<br />

settlements in particular attract fanatics: the nobody from New Jersey<br />

who acquires an heroic new role in a narrative that puts him at the<br />

forefront of a biblical struggle. Israel and the old South Africa<br />

illustrate the dangers of the state based on ethnicity, where there is the<br />

notion of a particular ethnic group which prospers at the expense of<br />

the perceived lesser races. 327<br />

167<br />

Of course there is racism, structural and personal, in immigration bureaus around the<br />

world, but the unique features of apartheid South Africa and present-day Israel are their<br />

exceptionally strong structurally racist aspects and their preference towards, and active<br />

encouragement of immigrant racists, as long as the latter belong to or wish to and are able to<br />

belong to the privileged ethnic group. The healthy challenges to societies presented by normal<br />

immigration are thereby eliminated or at least minimized.<br />

2.3. Statisticians, Gynecologists, and Settlers<br />

The state of Israel now has an 80 per cent Jewish majority. Yet, there are still almost<br />

twice as many Palestinians as there are Israeli Jews, most of the former now being classified<br />

by the United Nations as refugees. 328 That is the main reason why Israel does not (yet) qualify<br />

as genocidal, but remains an apartheid society, although the degree of ethnic cleansing<br />

achieved is very high by all standards.<br />

[H]ow did Palestinians become a minority in their homeland when, in<br />

1900, the Jews constituted less than 10 percent of the population, and<br />

in 1947, on the eve of the establishment of the state of Israel, less than<br />

one-third[?] . . . [A]ll Jews are treated as de jure Israelis who enjoy a<br />

permanent ‘right of return to the land of Israel.’ Thus, the Israeli state<br />

has decreed that Jews, irrespective of their citizenship, are the<br />

legitimate claimants to historical Palestine, and deny this right to its<br />

indigenous inhabitants. 329<br />

Beneath this tidy and cruel process of ethnic cleansing, however, is a demographic<br />

situation equivalent to that in Graeco-Roman Egypt and in white-ruled South Africa. The<br />

indigenous inside the conquered land multiply faster than the invaders and their descendants.<br />

There are now 5.1 million Jews and at least 4.8 million Palestinians in Israel and the Occupied<br />

Territories, and a Palestinian majority is expected by 2010.<br />

From 1967, Israel outlawed and often harassed and arrested Palestinians gathering<br />

population statistics. It recently put the number of Palestinians in Jerusalem at 180,000, about<br />

30 per cent of the total 670,000 population of Jerusalem. Commenting on the first legal census<br />

carried out by Palestinians in 1997-1998 and released in June 2000, the senior PLO official<br />

Faisal Husseini said: ‘In 1967 there were 55,000 Palestinians in Jerusalem; now there are over<br />

300,000. Israel underestimates the number of Palestinians in Jerusalem for political reasons’.<br />

After thus coming to a tally almost twice the size of the Israeli estimate, he also said: ‘all<br />

Israeli attempts to Judaise Jerusalem have failed and Palestinians’ resistance to being pushed<br />

out of the city are represented in the statistics.’ The next Palestinian census that was published<br />

claimed that there were 348,586 Palestinians in Jerusalem in 1999, twice as many as the<br />

Israelis admitted there were. Israel now appears increasingly desperate about this situation.<br />

Between 1967 and 1998, 5,768 residency permits of Palestinians were confiscated by Israel,<br />

327 McGregor 2001<br />

328 According to the Palestinian Census of 1997, there were an estimated 7,921,000 Palestinians worldwide in<br />

that year. That included a total of 3,711,000 inside Historic Palestine. See Palestinian Bureau for Statistics, no<br />

date.<br />

329 Younis: Liberation and Democratization: The South African and Palestinian National Movements, 2000: 8f

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