Apartheid
Apartheid
Apartheid
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165<br />
Moreover, as we shall see in Chapter II.9.1, unwanted Greek and Roman babies, left to<br />
die on garbage heaps by their parents, were often rescued by Egyptians. The Roman<br />
authorities would punish those Egyptians who adopted such babies, but they would not punish<br />
Egyptians who enslaved them. It is possible that racism, i.e. the distaste for interethnic<br />
biological mixing and a strong wish to counteract its long-term effects upon the demography<br />
of the country, was one of the main reasons behind this legal peculiarity.<br />
Nevertheless, the law often differs from the situation on the ground. At the same time<br />
as racist pressures from the state increased, the number of Greeks in Egypt was growing<br />
rapidly (mainly due to rigidly state-controlled immigration, as in South Africa and modern<br />
Israel), and so were the points of contact with the Egyptians. Direct control over the Greeks in<br />
Egypt and over interethnic encounters must therefore have decreased with time, despite elite<br />
attempts to counter this development. As a result, there was a ‘gradual Egyptianization of the<br />
Greeks of the middle and lower classes who were outside the citizen-body’. The most<br />
unprivileged Greeks consequently appear to have had the least to lose from fraternizing and<br />
mingling with the Egyptians, although ethnicist baggage must have made this relationship<br />
fraught with difficulties. 322<br />
2.2. ‘Family Planning’ and Circumscribed Immigration<br />
According to John Iliffe the most basic ‘underlying historical process’ from 1886 (the<br />
discovery of gold in the Witwatersrand which initiated rapid industrialization) until the end of<br />
apartheid in South Africa a century later was demographic growth. During that time the<br />
country’s total population grew from about 3 or 4 million to 39 million. At the ‘root’ of the<br />
many factors that contributed to the downfall of white political supremacy, he writes, was<br />
population growth. 323 By this he means both overall growth and the equally dramatic relative<br />
growth and decline of the black and white ethnic groups, respectively.<br />
The white population share sank from 21 per cent of the entire populace in 1951 to<br />
16.9 per cent in 1970 and 13.7 per cent in 1995. Today it is 10.7 per cent. In relative terms, it<br />
has halved in half a century. It lost more than a third of its relative size during apartheid in the<br />
narrow sense. In the same periods the black portion grew from 68 per cent to 70.6 per cent<br />
and 76.3 per cent, respectively. The Coloured and Indian populations remained roughly the<br />
same at a combined 12 per cent.<br />
‘The change took place despite white immigration and feverish official attempts to<br />
encourage large families among whites and contraception among Africans [Blacks] – in 1991<br />
South Africa had twice as many family planning clinics as health clinics’, Iliffe explains. 324<br />
We shall return to the disastrous health conditions for Blacks, including the forced injections<br />
of contraceptives in black women, in Chapter II.6.2. They further underscore the cynical yet<br />
ultimately unsuccessful attitudes and repopulation policies and practices of the South African<br />
government until 1991.<br />
It did not limit the immigration of strong young men from surrounding countries<br />
(including the Bantustans), however, since they were needed by the white profiteers as miners<br />
and in many other underpaid professions (see Chapter II.5.2). But the white elites made it<br />
practically impossible for these black immigrants to bring along their families to South Africa.<br />
by Toussaint l’Ouverture, nearly two millennia later, which was the only successful slave revolt to date. South<br />
African apartheid elites made sure that indigenous and imported ethnicities were segregated, and Israel can be<br />
expected to do the same, once its recently imported third ethnicity workers truly settle in Israel.<br />
322 Ibid: 131<br />
323 Iliffe 1995: 271. If Fredrickson, as I believe, makes too little of demographic development in his comparative<br />
analysis of South Africa and the USA (see Chapter I.4, above), one could perhaps say that Iliffe makes too much<br />
of it. The domestic and foreign resistance to South African apartheid in other ways than black population growth<br />
should in my opinion be considered as of equal importance, at the least.<br />
324 Ibid.: 281